Evidences of Case of NATIONAL ECCLESIASTICAL TRIBUNAL

CASE 32-2017: NATIONAL ECCLESIASTICAL TRIBUNAL, INTERDOCESAN TRIBUNAL OF BUENOS AIRES & PRIEST JULIO CESAR GRASSI

 

By Master Yan Maitri-Shi, Prosecutor

 

HONORABLE JURY OF INTERNATIONAL BUDDHIST ETHICS COMMITTEE (IBEC) & BUDDHIST TRIBUNAL ON HUMAN RIGHTS (BTHR)

After Legitimating and Validating Evidences and Charges by Master Maitreya, President and Spiritual Judge of IBEC-BTHR, it is addressed the case against the accused party, NATIONAL ECCLESIASTICAL TRIBUNAL, INTERDOCESAN TRIBUNAL OF BUENOS AIRES & PRIEST JULIO CESAR GRASSI. This investigation was initiated from the “Case Argentine”.

The Charges by which the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights is accusing NATIONAL ECCLESIASTICAL TRIBUNAL, INTERDOCESAN TRIBUNAL OF BUENOS AIRES & PRIEST JULIO CESAR GRASSI are enumerated below:

  • Violation on the Human Right to Justice
  • Spiritual Fraud and False Christianity

 

Therefore, it is detailed a series of EVIDENCES that support the Charges referred so that the Jury members decide about the possible “Responsibility”, “Innocence” or “Insanity” of the accused. Such evidence come from graphic and audiovisual media that have been gathered, sorted and confirmed in their order and context as Means of Proof in order to know, establish, dictate and determine the Responsibility of the Accused for committing the aforementioned Charges.

The procedure established in the Statute of INTERNATIONAL BUDDHIST ETHICS  COMMITTEE & BUDDHIST TRIBUNAL ON HUMAN RIGHTS provides both bodies the ostentation to enjoy independence and liberty from state and national regulation and control, besides having the legality and acting as a Buddhist People in order to assert its customs, traditions, practices, procedures, judgments and rights as well as acting in pursuit of the development of Spirituality, of Buddhist Ethics, and of the defense of International Human Rights. This procedure has the particularity, singularity and distinction of having “Special Jurisdiction of the Tribal Law” and “Universal Jurisdiction of the International Law”, thus having the Character, Juridical validity, Legal Powers, infrastructure, Training and Capability necessary to be Actor, Administrator and Executor of Justice in this realm and exercise, by judging of the Accused by means of an Ethical Judgment whose Purpose is Truth, Reconciliation and Learning.-

 

 

DETAILS OF EVIDENCES

 

SUMMARY OF THE CASE

Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights: After many years of impunity achieved thanks to the powerful support of the Catholic Church, finally on June 10, 2009 an Argentine State Court judged the Catholic priest named Julio César Grassi to 15 years in prison for being guilty of aggravated sexual abuse of minors, on whom he was the legal guardian and was in charge of their education. Since 2013 Grassi is imprisoned in the city of Campana, Argentina, where he enjoys certain privileges in spite of the crimes for which he was sentenced. Grassi has also been accused of corruption, using money from charitable foundations for his own personal purposes. Despite this serious Criminal Sentence for Aggravated Sexual Abuse of Underage, the Catholic Church has never removed the spiritual rank of “Priest” from Grassi, to whom it supported for many years by providing him with millions of economic resources while he himself accused the victims by calling them liars, their requests for justice were not heard and witnesses of the case were threatened with violence. Even, Juan Pablo Gallego, lawyer of the victims, and the Argentine Committee for the Rights of the Child have called on the Catholic Church to expel Grassi from the priesthood Grassi should have been expelled immediately from Christianity, by accusing him of having committed Spiritual Fraud and False Christianity, for having greatly damaged the psychic life of many underage, hiding in a spiritual tradition that he did not honor. However, for almost two decades since the allegations, the Ecclesiastical Justice has never made this spiritual and ethical legal opinion, ignoring the suffering of victims, even though the expulsion of a pedophile priest is a very simple process to do, since only requires compliance with legal standards and employ Compassionate Wisdom. This would constitute not only a Violation of the Human Right to Justice, but also an act of Spiritual Fraud and False Christianity, because it is a betrayal of both International Law and the teachings of the Master Jesus of Nazareth.

 

TESTIMONIES (Translations from the Spanish original version)

Juan Pablo Gallego, plaintiff attorney: “I ask the judges not to accept pressures, to comply with the law. It is absolutely proven the abuse of the priest over three minors, is a very simple case, the difficulty derives only from the power of Grassi.”[1]  “We seek to raise the penalty of Grassi to 37 years in prison after including the request of the other victims, known as Luis and Ezequiel, who are going to be received by me these days. In this way, we can give peace and tranquility to those who went through the horror of this monster“.[2]  “The sentence must be increased to give tranquility to the victims. We have proved the horrible crimes of this pederast: it would be a scandal to release him. We do not want impunity. Grassi is a person with financial resources, linked to presidents: he is a very powerful individual that exerts pressure and is also a very dangerous pederast. I hope that the Court does not accept the pressures of these sectors and that it issues an exemplary ruling.”[3]  ” Grassi is not an ordinary person, he has enormous power, more than 25 private defenders, the most important legal firms of the country united to defend this individual. No president or former-president has had such a defense. I think that what is central and who suffered the most are the victims and this brings a definitive relief because there were still pressures.”[4]  “The first person I spoke to is someone I met 15 years ago. A victim who suffered the unspeakable. Not just awful abuses and corruption but acts of vandalism, threats and attacks with firearms. A person who suffered everything and deserves my enormous respect (…). Grassi destroyed the lives of young people under his care. But this is definitive judgment. The five ministers of the Court definitively determined their culpability. From this ruling there are no more doubts; here there is no more plot or attacks on the victims. There is here a pedophile priest who is definitively condemned and that should be expelled from the Church.”[5]  “I think Grassi is a great mobster, an absolutely dangerous person, a great extortioner (…). Everyone here knew that Grassi was what it was. In this I include Monsignor Justo Oscar Laguna, political authorities and the then Cardinal Jorge Mario Bergoglio (Pope Francis) and all those with whom I spoke.[6]  “(Grassi) has to be reduced to lay man in accordance with the Vatican protocols. He cannot continue as a priest, it would be a huge sign that the Pope should give and this should give relief to the victims. He is a great criminal who did not honor the institution.”[7]  “Four years ago, with Grassi being already condemned, I accompanied Gabriel’s decision to ask to be received by the new His Holiness, Pope Francis. It was a great surprise to have never received an answer until today. Principally, having now mediated a firm condemnation of the Supreme Court of Justice of the (Argentine) Nation in relation to this ferocious pederast, also condemned by mismanagement of public funds for his benefit. The stupor of the victims increases, as they daily know that His Holiness Francis writes and receives people who indicate sufferings of all kinds. And, in the case, it is added that Grassi has not been separated nor sanctioned. And even the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, following a publication entrusted to the jurist Marcelo Sancinetti, has recommended in this case to deviate from what was decided by the Earthly Justice and to keep this dangerous multiple offender in the ranks of the institution he has dishonored. (…)Parishioners worried about this silence and this serious omission of sanction made me realize long ago that it is probable that Francis is seen in this subject morally coerced to apply zero tolerance to the pedophile hosted in the prison of Campana, and that the decision to reduce him to layman, cancel his incardination and apologize to Gabriel can perfectly adopt it by the Pope Benedict XVI” [8]

Nora Schulman, head of the Argentine Committee for the Rights of the Child: “(The Pope) Francis says that the pedophiles must not to be hidden, but the Church hides them.” “We are going to take this issue to the international level, such as the Committee on the Rights of the Child in Geneva, to put on the table that the issue of sexual abuse in the Church is happening throughout the world and is extremely serious ( …) it must fall with all the weight of law and not hide or protect the pedophiles, but what happens is that the Church as an institution hides them and protects them, despite the fact that they had said that it is necessary to accompany the victims’ complaint (…) when he was in Argentina and he was primate of the Church, we never could access (the Pope Francis) nor to have an interview to be able to ask him for these young boys. (…) Grassi continues to be a priest (…) now that the national line has been closed we are going to make a presentation to the Vatican not only for Grassi, but also for all pedophile priests and we hope that the Vatican will take a position and say what to do, because the position of the Pope is contradictory. (…) What these young boys went through was terrible and Grassi destroyed their lives. (…) The sentence of Grassi was for the abuses committed against the young boy known as Gabriel. We are satisfied with that but we cannot forget that there were two other young men who testified against him at the trial and their sayings were dismissed.”[9]

Miriam Lewin, journalist: “(Grassi) privileged some boys, took them out of class, lent them his cell phone, his van, gave them presents and took them to sleep with him. When they reached age of majority and ceased to be attractive to him, he bought their silence by giving them houses and securing them work for them and their families“.[10]

El Bishopric of Morón:Opportunely, the Holy See arranged a preliminary inquiry into the allegations of the conduct of this priest from which a report was sent to the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith. The Bishopric will act according to the canonical processes in force that the Holy See has, and they will be duly and opportunely informed to the public opinion.”[11]

Izquierda Diario: “The current Francis was always among the defenders of the abusive priest. Via the Episcopal Conference, was after the publication of books that sought to show an innocent Grassi. (…) Only in 2009 Grassi was sentenced to fifteen years by the Tribunal No. 1 of Morón. But he would not go to prison until 2013, when the Buenos Aires Supreme Court confirmed that conviction. One of the reasons for the delay of the sentence is related to the strong power that was behind his defense. The accusation against one of the main media figures of the Catholic Church, was not going to go unnoticed. (…)Within that fierce defense to the abusive priest, one can find Jorge Bergoglio, current Supreme Pontiff of the Catholic Church. Although Pope Francis did not make public pronouncements on his position on the Grassi case, he did participate in his defense through the Episcopal Conference which was in charge of producing and presenting four books that sought to demonstrate the innocence of the priest Grassi. The books are called Studies on the Grassi case and are a long exposition that seeks to refute the statements of each of the victims and in turn enhance the figure of the Priest Grassi. The making of these books was under the responsibility of the lawyer Marcelo Sancinnetti who declared they are written based on the highest commandments of all the religions and cultures: the purity, the honor and the truth.”[12]

TN: “The chronicler Elise Lucet from Cash Investigation traveled to the Vatican and while the Supreme Pontiff greeted the parishioners in San Peter’s Square, he was questioned and asked if he had tried to influence the Argentine justice in the Grassi case.”Not at all,” answered Pope Francis, who wrinkled his nose, visibly surprised and annoyed by the question. The journalist referred to the investigation of 2,600 pages commissioned by the Episcopal Conference, then led by Cardinal Bergoglio, the jurist Marcelo Sancinetti in order to defend Grassi (The four books Studies on the Grassi case). The team of France 2 indicated that before the trip, its requests for an interview with the High Pontiff remained unanswered for 8 months. On its website, the channel France 2 stresses that this is a “sensitive” case in our country and argues that when he was archbishop of Buenos Aires, the Pope would have tried to make a priest innocent. It is about Father Julio Grassi, the biggest scandal of pedophilia in the Argentine Church. In the program also highlighted a passage from the book of interviews with Francis on Heaven and Earth that deals with the subject of abuses and in which the Pontiff says that “it never occurred in his diocese”. They also accused the Pope of turning a deaf ear to the pain of the victims. A journalist held a meeting with victims and relatives of victims in Buenos Aires in which everyone claimed that they tried to talk to the then-archbishop Bergoglio but he never received them. He opens the door to every celebrity in the world but he did not even send us a letter to say ‘I’m sorry’, declared a woman. I do not expect anything more from him, I no longer believe in him, another affirmed. I suffered a lot, the disappointment, it hurt me a lot that Bergoglio did not do anything. I was told to write him because he was going to answer to me, but nothing, it was a disappointment, said a third woman, in tears.” [13]

TN: “Grassi’s victims suffered threats, violence, and restricted freedom under the witness protection program. Now, with the decision of the Court, a decision of the Vatican is expected concerning the condition of priest of the pedophile abuser. (…) Gabriel, abused by the priest, was beaten in an open space. Strangers followed him to another province when he tried to protect himself from the threats. They entered his house a block and a half from a police station and wanted to cut him a finger. Alleged thieves entered three times the downtown apartment of Enrique Stola, Gabriel’s therapist, in broad daylight and assault him together with his daughter and his domestic worker. At the front of the cultural center for children living in the street in William Morris, a place directed by Anibal Vega, Ezequiel’s tutor, another of the complainants, somebody painted MORÍS (YOU DIE). (…) Somebody attempted to bribe the boyfriend of Marta Díaz, former employee, so she could change her statement. Luis Gutiérrez, also a victim, found the door of his house violated and his belongings in a mess. A great number of people found their existences altered by the revelation that the best among the good ones of Argentina in the 90’s, the priest of young and charismatic image who attended the lunches with celebrities and organized dinners for the benefit of his big foundation, sexually abused the boys he said to protect. The most affected were the three teenagers who take courage to tell the truth. They spent long years in the witness protection program, while the priest, assisted by expensive lawyers, lived in a situation pretty much like complete freedom. Two of them did not even obtain the reparation that the justice considered their sayings as truthful. Luis Gutiérrez, who denounced (…) eleven episodes of abuse with a description of the priest’s naked body, still fights today, trying that a complaint of abuse in El Calafate reach an oral trial. There, still, the priest has protection and support. There was a fear that the Court’s ruling would not see the light. It was delayed, and there were reports that there was pressure from the Church. There was no lack of foundation. The Argentine Episcopal Commission had financed an expensive study on the Grassi case written by the lawyer Marcelo Sancinetti, who had already done the same job to exculpate Gregorio Rios, the murderer of (the argentine journalist) José Luis Cabezas. Grassi had said in a report to Jorge Fontevecchia that Bergoglio had never “abandon him” [the original Spanish phrase was Bergoglio nunca “le soltó la mano”] and the Pope never answered Gabriel’s two desperate requests for audience. A lukewarm statement from the bishopric of Morón issued after the sentence reports that there is a cause in the Vatican, and that its result will be announced to the population in due course. Grassi remains being a priest, despite his conviction in several instances. International organizations of victims of abusive priests, such as SNAP or Rete L’abuso, agree that the harsh rhetoric of Pope Francis against pedophilia does not correspond to his actions. And in the case of the priest Grassi, this is even more evident. (…) In November 2014, Pope Francis removed José Mercau from the Church, convicted for the sexual abuse of five underage in a home in Tigre. Was there previous canonical judgment? A theologian of the Catholic University argues that it was not necessary. (…) It would be a positive signal that the same thing happened with Grassi, the demonstration of the Pope’s true commitment to the eradication of an evil that destroyed hundreds of thousands of lives. The sign that the Holy Father is on the side of the injured sheep and not on the side of the bad shepherds.”[14]

Perfil (Newspaper): “The books that (Pope Francis) sent to write on the cause pose Grassi as a victim of a plot of a great media. Silence and non-posture. Finally the Justice gave its final verdict. Father Julio César Grassi must serve 15 years in prison, although he has been in prison for almost four years. The Supreme Court rejected the appeal of the (still) priest and there is nothing more to investigate. For the State and for Justice, he is a child abuser. Nevertheless, the defenders of Grassi’s victims charge against the hesitations of the Pope Francis to pronounce on the subject. The head of the Committee for the Monitoring of the Rights of the Child, Nora Schulman, affirmed that there was an infernal lobby that made people of the Catholic Church to defend the priest and recalled that Francis himself, when he was Cardinal Jorge Bergoglio and was in charge of the Argentine Episcopal Conference, requested a supposedly neutral investigation, by Marcelo Sancinetti, a lawyer very close to the Church, which ended in four books, which for Schulman vilify the victims and said terrible things. The last book was completed in 2013, with Bergoglio already become the head of the Catholic Church. In the first one, Sancinetti acknowledges that the Conference put him in charge of the analysis of the case a time before Buenosairean Cassation ruled against the priest Grassi in 2010. In the third one, the academic indicates the name of who specially tasked him the work: the ex president of the Episcopal Conference, Jorge Mario Bergoglio. According to Infobae, Sancinetti ruled that Grassi is not only innocent of sexual abuse against those pupils, whom the lawyer calls false accusers: the priest was also the victim of a plot wielded by a powerful multimedia, the same personal thought of the current Pope. The lawyer of the victims abused by Grassi, Juan Pablo Gallego, said that “Dr. Lorenzetti told me that in this case he was receiving ‘a lot of pressure’.” Although he did not say where it comes from, he received those statements after a meeting held by the head of the Supreme Court and the Pope in the Vatican, where they confirmed that they spoke of the Grassi case.”[15]

Infobae Newspaper: “(Regarding the four books of defense of Grassi) The Episcopal Conference headed by Jorge Bergoglio commissioned them to a jurist after the condemnation in 2010: they are the greater defense to the abusive priest never exercised before. According to a plaintiff of the case they were used to pressure the Court, which ratified on Tuesday the ruling I have all the priestly obstacles, Father Julio Cesar Grassi told the author of this note in mid-2011. He did not lie. Despite being sentenced to 15 years imprisonment for abusing a minor at his charge in his Foundation called Felices Los Niños (Happy Children), with a judgment against him issued by the Tribunal No. 1 of Morón and ratified by the Buenos Aires Court of Cassation, despite extensive and dishonorable accusations against him, Grassi still had the ecclesiastical right to mass the faithful, to confess the sinners and to give the extreme unction to the dying. He was still a priest and still is it, prisoner in his cell of Unit No. 41 in Campana. Now, it is up to Rome and Pope Francis the fact that Grassi not remain a priest. There are already enough reasons for the Supreme Pontiff to remove Grassi his stole and collar and expel him from within the Catholic Church. This morning, the five justices of the Supreme Court presided over by Dr. Ricardo Lorenzetti gave the last word on the cause of the priest: the last appeals presented by the priest’s defense were rejected and the condemnation of the Justice of Morón was ratified unanimously. It is the end of the line. There is nothing left to discuss. For Justice and the State, the priest is definitely a child abuser. (…)Jorge Mario Bergoglio, now Pope Francis, was the head of the Church in Argentina and head of the country’s Episcopal Conference while Grassi was denounced and convicted in the first instance by the Justice. But Bergoglio never issued on Grassi, at least not in public. The truth is that the Grassi case worried the current Pope for years: in his private calculations, Bergoglio conceived the fall of Argentina’s most famous priest as a revanchist plot devised by one of the country’s largest media groups. The fate of the priest in the Supreme Court became a particular interest. The versions that indicated a pressure exerted from the Vatican on the Court were persistent. In June of last year, Ricardo Lorenzetti visited the Pope at the Vatican, as part of a judges’ summit on organized crime. When “Gabriel,” the victim for whom Grassi was sentenced – 32-year-old – heard about the summit he wrote to the President of the Court, urging him not to release the man from the Church, which would mean “reviving his calvary”. The historic plaintiff attorney of the case, Juan Pablo Gallego, was in charge of delivering the letter. Gallego assured in dialogue with [the newspaper] Infobae that Lorenzetti received it. The talk they held, according to the lawyer, was most striking. The lawyer said: At that meeting, Dr. Lorenzetti told me that because of the case he was receiving ‘a lot of pressure’. I clearly understood that he said this to me when recently arrived from Rome. For this pressure, according to Gallego, the Pope had a tool of weight. There were four private edition books, a critical analysis of the Grassi file covering more than 2600 pages. Studies on the Grassi case are the titles of these books, devoted to refute the accounts of Gabriel, the young man whose testimony led to the conviction of Grassi and Ezequiel and Luis, of whose accusations the priest was dismissed. The Argentine Episcopal Conference, which Bergoglio headed, commissioned the books in September 2010 – after the conviction of the priest – to the lawyer Marcelo Sancinetti, a jurist and professor of criminal law with more than 35 years of career, closely linked to the Church. (…) The books were finished in 2013, with Bergoglio already become the head of the Catholic Church.  In the first of them, Sancinetti acknowledges that the Conference tasked him the analysis of the case a time before Buenosairean Cassation ruled against the priest Grassi in 2010. In the third one, the academician indicates the name of who specially entrusted him the work: the ex president of the Episcopal Conference, Jorge Mario Bergoglio. According to the complainant Gallego, these books, a sort of editorial ghost without data of circulation or imprint, were delivered to the members of the maximum court of the country by lobbyists who invoked the power of Bergoglio  (…) Sancinetti, however, never denied it in the face of the repeated calls and messages sent by Infobae. Each volume refutes a victim. In the fourth volume, the jurist states that his work has its roots in the highest commandments of all religions and cultures: purity, honor and truth. Having read the four volumes, the conclusion of the author leaves no doubt: the books are the most vehement defense of Grassi ever made. And of course, the most controversial, because Sancinetti acted as a sort of judge. Without being a party to the cause, Sancinetti assessed every available evidence -including the audios of the closed-door trial –, each testimony and each ruling. He pointed out, as a judge would do, dozens of alleged inconsistencies, failed acts and falsehoods in the testimonies of young people who accused the priest. The third volume ends with two credibility analyses. One is dedicated to Grassi. The other, Gabriel, the young man who condemned him.  For Sancinetti, the balance tilts on one side: The careful study of the statement of one and another already shows clearly which of them fits the truth: the accused. And in the end, Sancinetti ruled. According to him, Grassi is not only innocent of sexual abuse against those pupils, whom the lawyer calls false accusers: the priest also was victim of a plot devised by a powerful multimedia, the same private thought of the current Pope. There are surprising passages. For example, in the epilogue – page 729, last paragraph, fourth volume – Sancinetti summarizes that what Grassi experienced was, basically, an outrage. And he lamented, always speaking of himself in the third person, that having carried out this work has plunged him even more than he already was, in his hopelessness, before the scanty degree of justice. In the introduction, Sancinetti included a special chapter entitled The Interest of This Study for the Catholic Church. In the text, he asks: should Grassi continue to be a priest if the judicial instances are exhausted, if the Court fails against it? And he goes on: Would it be appropriate to deprive Julio César Grassi of the exercise of his ministry in whole or in part, such as administering certain sacraments? Should the Church take a position before the public opinion or its parishioners? Bergoglio, for his part, never did. However, the Episcopal Conference was not unanimous about the books. Reviewing the Grassi Case and editing possible lobbying tools created an internal division. A high-ranking source of Buenos Aires Justice who knows the Argentine Church from inside told Infobae: The bishops who knew Grassi were not in favor of making the books. But others thought that the case put at risk the image of the Church. Apparently, the second group triumphed.”[16]

Juan Manuel Casolati, replacement of Grassi in Felices los Niños Foundation: “Now that Justice seems to have exhausted all possible instances, following the confirmation of the sentence to 15 years in prison for aggravated sexual abuse against minors by the Supreme Court of the Nation, we face as a society with the true Julio Cesar Grassi: the manipulator, the creator of a true sect in the events that for a long time directed the fate of Felices los Niños Foundation, the largest civil entity in Argentina after Caritas. In other words, a pedophile that was hidden in the religious words and the aesthetic of saying. Many people believed in Father Grassi and his work. Even today, many people still believe that he is innocent. But the evidence is irrefutable. (…) I also believed in him and, in my sincere belief, I accepted Grassi’s invitation to run the Foundation’s Convivial Homes. But, shortly after, I discovered that he was responsible for the ills that afflicted the entity. And the thousands of kids that this space gave them shelter. Not only did he abuse those he had to care for, but he did the same, and in different ways, with all those who believed in him. He stole and used funds from the children he had to take care of for his own benefit and from the group of tasks that supported him in the immoral administration of the organization. Perhaps it is time for the Church to comply with what it preaches and initiates a canonical judgment to remove from its temples a nefarious flatterer of God. As a society we have the obligation to work to sustain a beautiful work that today looks after, feeds and cares for, in all its forms, to more than 2,000 children and adolescents. Grassi has been removed from the work and no longer has any interference, neither he nor his accomplices. The fate of the boys is in the hands of a new Board of Directors that only wants to work for the present and future. It is time to leave the past behind and forge together a new project aimed at true protection of childhood.”[17]

Letter of the victim “Gabriel” to Vatican State (Pope Benedict XVI): “I have long been aware by the media of your historical call against sexual abuse of minors in the clergy and the determination of zero tolerance for pedophile priests. I have seen, heard and read that H.H. apologized personally to victims of various latitudes for cases of sexual abuse committed by members of the Catholic Church and you stated to be ashamed (…) I am a victim, in the Argentine Republic, of aberrant crimes of repeated sexual abuse and corruption of minors by the condemned pedophile Julio César Grassi, committed in 1996, to satisfy his low and deviant instincts. (…) Meanwhile the condemned pedophile with a firm sentence, Julio César Grassi, for reasons incomprehensible to me, continues in the exercise of his priestly ministry that he has systematically used to take advantage of my defenseless situation, destroying my faith, (…)Grassi has been shown himself with impunity on television, hurting me and pointing repeatedly in a defiant tone that Jorge Bergoglio did not abandon him. (…) I beg you to apply the so-called zero tolerance to the privileged condemned Grassi, for whose terrible crimes I have suffered and continue to suffer, setting him aside from the institution, reducing him to layman, canceling its incardination and issuing a clear public signal of respect for the independence and final decision of the Argentine judicial institution.” [18]

TN: “The priest Julio Cesar Grassi added a new sentence to his asset. In this case, it is two years and for diverting money from donations to pay the rent of a farm where he lived. Grassi was already condemned to 15 years in prison for the abuse of a minor housed at the Felices los Niños Foundation which he directed. (…) The priest began to be tried on October 17 for diverting funds from that Foundation for the rental of a farm house that dwelled since 2002 while the process was done. The decision of the condemnation was disposed by the Oral Criminal Court 3 of Morón, composed of the judges Diego Bonnano, Raquel Lafourcade and Mariela Susana Moralejo Rivera, for the crime of embezzlement provided for in article 263 of the Criminal Code and provided him the minimum sentence that is of two years. The trial had about ten hearings and was in charge of prosecutors Marcelo Papavero and Javier Ghessi.  The fact for which Grassi is imputed dates from 2002, when the priest moved to the farm house La Blanquita, of 7,200 square meters, in front of the facilities of his foundation to which he was prohibited entry. The priest rented the property in the Buenosairean town of Hurlingham, which was paid with the resources of the foundation, after the Justice forbade him to live with the boys at his charge when the abuse case was opened, for which he was finally convicted. The priest lived in that farm for four years until the owner reported a debt due to failure to pay for some months, which led to the suspicion of using funds from the Felices los Niños Foundation to pay the rent of that other property. Last May, Grassi’s defense lawyers had asked for probation for this cause, that is, the suspension of the trial in exchange for community tasks, including the performance of episcopal tasks in the prison of Campana, where he purges the conviction for sexual abuse. It is not the first cause for diversion of funds that Grassi faces. In 2014, Jorge Lanata’s TV show Journalism For All revealed how donations directed at the Foundation, such as mattresses and food, were diverted to Campana prison, where the priest is lodged for the conviction of sexual abuse.”[19]

TN: “They take the case to oral trial (…) against Grassi. It is for the diversion of food that denounced by Journalism For All in 2014. The donations to the foundation were used by the priest in prison. The court of Morón today took to oral trial the case for which it is investigated the diversion of funds and food originally intended for the Felices los Niños Foundation that were illegally transferred to the prison unit 41 of the city of Campana in Buenos Aires when the president of the NGO was detained there, the priest Julio César Grassi, as was informed by sources of the cause. Judge Lucía Casabayó maintained that there are strong signs and elements of conviction sufficient to suppose them to be prima facie co-perpetrators criminally responsible for the offense of repeated embezzlement (in two cases) concerning to Grassi and ten other persons, according to the resolution issued by Telam. In this way the priest was on the verge of his third sentence since the priest already has on his shoulders 15 years in prison for abuse against a child who was housed in the Foundation, and the sentence of the past November 16 to two years in prison for diverting funds from that NGO for the payment of the rent of a house in which he lived in Hurlingham, Buenos Aires. In addition to Grassi, Judge Casabayó charged Iván Estebán Guex and Mario Fabián Amarilla, Carlos Rodolfo Martínez, Alejandro Pablo Lome, Delicia Díaz, María Luz Sánchez, Olivía Jiménez, Pascual Cirigliano, María Garoni and Julián Ponce from the same offense. The first two accused were close associates of the priest. Amarilla has been known to Grassi since he started the seminary at Don Bosco. This scum of the society must be expelled from the Church immediately, said the plaintiff attorney, Juan Pablo Gallego, after knowing the cause taken to oral trial. The case was made known after a complaint by the director of Felices los Niños Foundation in 2014 before the lack of donations. Later, through PPT (Journalism For All) Jorge Lanata’s TV show, the entrance of trucks with donations that received that NGO was filmed and how they entered the prison of Campana, where at that time the priest was in prison for the cause of abuse. The then director of the Felices los Niños Foundation, Juan Manuel Casolati, detected the missing materials and made the complaint in the Prosecutor’s Office number 8 of Morón. Then, the newspaper report highlighted the facilities to which Grassi accesses in the penitentiary: an office with its own bathroom, three cell phones and an LCD TV, among other things. And he showed the video records of the routes and the entrance of the food to the prison service of Campana, directed by the Prefect-Major Raúl Garnica. The province of Buenos Aires returned to direct the Foundation’s headquarters, destined to lodge children without relatives and in judicial conflict, after the judicial process against the priest and put Casolati at the helm. The investigation showed that donations could arrived in poor conditions or even not to arrive to the the 65-hectare site that the foundation occupies. The meat comes in a common van, and food that comes to the foundation often disappears, Roxana Ávila, who is in charge of the storage room, declared. “Many of the donations go directly to La Blanquita, the farmhouse in which Grassi lived. From there, which was its operations center, donations are diverted to the prison of Campana”, said Casolati.”[20]

Alejandro Agostinellii: “It is not that Grassi has power, the power is given by the Catholic Church, which still allows him to continue wearing cassock. Despite serving a 15-year sentence for child abuse, he is still on the payroll of the Moron Bishopric. And he is still protected by Pope Francis, the same who – more than a year ago – pledged zero tolerance for child abuse within the institution he chairs.”[21]

Adrián Vitali: “For the Argentine Church the priest Julio César Grassi is innocent. After the ratification of the sentence by the Supreme Court of Justice of the Province of Buenos Aires, the bishop of Morón and the bishop of Rio Negro publicly went to question the ruling and the rest of the bishops remained silent. Silence is a way of taking positions and being corporate. After Grassi was imprisoned, the jurist Marcelo Sancinetti sent to Rome, at Francisco’s request, the report he had made. This report was requested by the Argentine Episcopal Conference when it was presided over by Jorge Bergoglio. The AEC entrusted the jurist with the investigation into the alleged falsity of the accusations against Grassi. Sancinetti argued that the Catholic Church is not obliged to abide by the rulings delivered by the Justice of the secular State, (…) The very existence of child sexual abuse is denied and even it is said that those who encourage judicial convictions for sexual abuse seek to themselves the image that they are not sexual abusers. He maintained not only that Grassi is innocent for the abuses for which he was condemned, but he categorically denied that child sexual abuse as such exists, to the point that he equates it with the witchcraft trials of the Middle Ages. The Bishopric of Moron never initiated a canonical judgment: the position of the church is the conclusion of the report. What Grassi was doing was known by the head of the Penitentiary Service, the bishop of Morón and the chaplain of the prison. But the only one punished will be the director of the Penitentiary Service. Grassi is still a priest and dresses like a priest because the church allows it. Trying to save the institution from the pedophilia scandal is the biggest of the scandals. It seems that the zero tolerance proclaimed by the Vatican with cases of pederasty has not yet arrived here.”[22]

[1] Por unanimidad, la Corte confirmó la condena a 15 años del cura Grassi. http://tn.com.ar/politica/grassi_772545

[2] Denuncian que Grassi presiona a la Corte para evitar la ampliación de su pena.  http://tn.com.ar/politica/denuncian-que-grassi-presiona-la-corte-para-evitar-la-ampliacion-de-su-pena_689733

[3] Una de las víctimas de Grassi le mandó una carta a Lorenzetti para pedir que le aumenten la condena al cura. http://tn.com.ar/politica/una-de-las-victimas-de-grassi-le-mando-una-carta-lorenzetti-para-pedir-que-le-aumenten-la-pena-al_683191

[4] http://www.laizquierdadiario.com/15-anos-de-prision-para-el-padre-Grassi

[5] Alivio entre las víctimas de Julio César Grassi por el fallo de la Corte Suprema  http://www.clarin.com/sociedad/alivio-victimas-julio-cesar-grassi-fallo-corte-suprema_0_ByVhJ7y2g.html

[6] “Grassi es un gran mafioso”, dijo el abogado querellante de la causa  http://tn.com.ar/policiales/grassi-es-un-gran-mafioso-dijo-el-abogado-querellante-de-la-causa_780881

[7] Los cuatro libros sobre el caso Grassi que salpican la neutralidad del Papa  http://www.perfil.com/politica/denuncian-un-oscuro-rol-del-papa-francisco-detras-del-caso-del-padre-grassi.phtml

[8] Como el Papa no lo recibe, una víctima de Grassi le escribió a Benedicto XVI  http://www.perfil.com/policia/como-el-papa-no-lo-recibe-una-victima-de-grassi-le-escribio-a-benedicto-xvi.phtml

[9] Cuestionan el rol del papa Francisco ante el caso Grassi  http://www.clarin.com/policiales/cuestionan-rol-papa-francisco-caso-grassi_0_HJQIng12l.html

[10] “Grassi es un gran mafioso”, dijo el abogado querellante de la causa  http://tn.com.ar/policiales/grassi-es-un-gran-mafioso-dijo-el-abogado-querellante-de-la-causa_780881

[11] El Obispado de Morón advierte que el padre Julio César Grassi enfrenta una investigación en el Vaticano. http://www.clarin.com/policiales/obispado-moron-advierte-padre-julio-cesar-grassi-enfrenta-investigacion-vaticano_0_rJ4U4L1ng.html

[12] Bergoglio habría encargado libros sobre el caso Grassi para favorecerlo. http://www.laizquierdadiario.com/Bergoglio-habria-encargado-libros-sobre-el-caso-Grassi-para-favorecerlo

[13] La reacción del Papa Francisco cuando una periodista le preguntó por el caso Grassi   http://tn.com.ar/internacional/la-reaccion-del-papa-francisco-cuando-una-periodista-le-pregunto-por-el-caso-grassi_780979

[14] Caso Grassi: ¿Con sentencia firme, la Iglesia aún lo protege?  http://tn.com.ar/sociedad/caso-grassi-con-sentencia-firme-la-iglesia-aun-lo-protege_781035

[15] Los cuatro libros sobre el caso Grassi que salpican la neutralidad del Papa  http://www.perfil.com/politica/denuncian-un-oscuro-rol-del-papa-francisco-detras-del-caso-del-padre-grassi.phtml

[16] El Papa nunca se pronunció sobre Grassi, pero encargó cuatro libros que lo declaran inocente  http://www.infobae.com/sociedad/2017/03/21/el-papa-nunca-se-pronuncio-sobre-grassi-pero-encargo-cuatro-libros-que-lo-declaran-inocente/

[17] http://noticias.perfil.com/2017/03/26/el-grassi-que-yo-conoci/

[18] Como el Papa no lo recibe, una víctima de Grassi le escribió a Benedicto XVI  http://www.perfil.com/policia/como-el-papa-no-lo-recibe-una-victima-de-grassi-le-escribio-a-benedicto-xvi.phtml

[19] Dos años de prisión para Grassi por malversación de donaciones. http://tn.com.ar/policiales/dos-anos-de-prision-para-grassi-por-malversacion-de-fondos_754345

[20] http://tn.com.ar/politica/elevan-juicio-oral-la-causa-felices-los-presos-contra-grassi_794113

[21] Alejandro Agostinellii, GRASSI, EL ÚLTIMO PROTEGIDO DEL PAPA

[22] Adrián Vitali, El cura Grassi, en pos de la impunidad papal

 

NOTIFICATION to Brazil

Case No. 28/2017: UNESCO

NOTIFICATION to Brazil

 

On February 7, 2018, the International Buddhist Ethics Committee & Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights is communicating with the Government of Brazil as a result of the Judgment made by the Brazilian justice against former President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva for crimes of corruption with 12 years in prison. Due to the fact that Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva has received the UNESCO‘s Félix Houphouët-Boigny Peace Prize, the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights once again considers that UNESCO should immediately cancel the peace award given to Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, who was rewarded for his supposed contribution to social justice despite leading a corrupt government in Brazil.

In addition to the judgment for passive corruption and money laundering in the “Tríplex Case”, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva is faced with multiple trials before the Brazilian justice system, such as obstruction of justice (“Petrobras Case“); passive corruption, influence peddling, money laundering and illicit association (“Angola Contracts Case“); passive corruption and money laundering (“Lava Jato Case” and “House in Atibaia Case“); and passive corruption (“Operation Zelotes Case“).

Ergo, the Brazilian government is notified that it should ask UNESCO to annul the peace prize awarded to Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, as this contradicts the founding spirit of this international organization, as well as being a violation of the spirit of Peace.

With spirit of Reconciliation (Maitri),

H.E. Master Maitreya Samyaksambuddha

President and Judge of the International Buddhist Ethics Committee & Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights

 

Legal Act on USA and Israel Withdrawal

Case No. 28-2017: “UNESCO & Director-General Irina Bokova

 

ACT ON USA and Israel Withdrawal

On October 12, 2017, it is made an Act of international approval concerning the withdrawal of USA and Israel as members of UNESCO. Although there is no agreement with the political and economic visions of those countries, the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights is an impartial body and it is devoid of any ideology, so that this decision made by both countries must be supported.

In this sense, the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights agrees with Prime Minister Netanyahu of Israel, who has stated that UNESCO “has become the theatre of the absurd and because instead of preserving history it distorts it.” Even though it is probably motivated by ideological and economic issues, US and Israeli decision to leave UNESCO is undoubtedly “brave and moral,” especially bearing in mind the fact that on July 24, 2017, the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights sentenced UNESCO as Responsible for the crimes of Discrimination, Corruption, Complicity with violations of Human Rights and Complicity with Crimes against Peace. At a time when the world is attacked by extremist groups, it is necessary for UNESCO to function properly and not to be a corrupt, biased and omissive organism in the face of violations of International Law, having the duty to prevent hatred rather than feed it through omission to the violations carried out by its member States, which systematically and in a widespread way attack the values that UNESCO defends, such as intercultural dialogue, protection of the Cultural Heritage of humanity and freedom of press. For this reason, the Buddhist Tribunal is in agreement with USA that UNESCO needs fundamental reforms.

The Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights is an international organization that promotes the dialogue among civilizations and the peoples of the world, and it is founded on respect for the spiritual values shared by the entire humanity. This implies the duty to protect natural resources and cultural values, a function in which UNESCO has failed. The mission of the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights is to create a civilization of peace, to eradicate social injustice, to consolidate free advanced education and to develop sustainable environment, this being a mission that UNESCO fails to fulfill. The priorities of the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights are equality, learning, peak knowledge, ethical resolution of problems, intercultural dialogue and social integration, these being priorities that UNESCO fails to comply.

The Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights encourages other countries to leave the corrupt body of UNESCO and that the international community commits itself in order to create a new organization that works ethically and in favor of world peace.

 

Always with spirit of reconciliation (maitri),

Master Maitreya Samyaksambuddha

President and Spiritual Judge of the International Buddhist Ethics Committee and Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights

 

 

 

 

 

Judgment on UNESCO

 

Case No. 28-2017: “UNESCO & Director-General Irina Bokova

 

ETHICAL JUDGMENT

Dear Prosecutor, Public Defender, Ambassadors and Jury Members of the International Buddhist Ethics Committee (IBEC) and Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights (BTHR), regarding the Case 28-2017 against “UNESCO and Director-General Irina Bokova”, on July 24, 2017, it is hereby recorded that the trial of the Buddhist Tribunal has been concluded to analyze the violation of Human Rights made by the accused parties. This Case has been carried out as a result of multiple previous cases, such as the “Ole Nydahl Case”, the “Case of the UNESCO Association of Malaga”, the “Case AECID “, the “Case Wix & Weebly” and the “UN Case”.

After analyzing the presentation of the case and the validation of the large amount of evidence, it has proceed with voting of 9 Jury members; there were 1 vote for “Insanity” and 8 votes for “Responsible” regarding UNESCO & Director-General Irina Bokova for the serious crimes of Discrimination, Corruption, Complicity with Human Rights Violations and Complicity with Crimes against Peace.

The actions of UNESCO & Director-General Irina Bokova are evaluated by using the same ethical and juridical criteria previously developed with the “Case of the Norwegian Nobel Committee”, because in awarding peace prizes to criminals, a direct complicity is established with their actions, which implies that UNESCO has been carrying out violations against the Appropriate Peace (Samma-Santi). This complicity with violations of world peace and human rights has been caused by the discriminatory and corrupt attitudes of powerful members of UNESCO. Indeed, when bureaucrats betray the noble and ethical principles of the organizations to which they belong, then they must be accountable for their actions. Since UNESCO is founded on ethical, humanitarian and pacifist values, the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights has an excellent ability to evaluate when misconduct is incurred, especially when the very nature of Peace and the Appropriate Knowledge is violated.

The Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights ruled that UNESCO & Director-General Irina Bokova is responsible for Discrimination, Corruption, Complicity with Human Rights violations and Complicity with Crimes against Peace, for having maintained corrupt practices within its organization, for having allowed that the UNESCO symbol was desecrated with the Prize to Ole Nydahl, for not removing UNESCO membership to those countries violating human rights, for creating an international prize bearing the name of a tyrant president who has committed crimes against humanity, for maintaining discriminatory attitudes against the Jewish people, and for granting peace prizes to warmongering governments and corrupt organizations. However, what is deeply terrible about UNESCO is not the commission of illegal actions, but rather the impunity it enjoys in committing them, because it fails to prevent and also fails to punish such international crimes. Instead of ethically or materially supporting the millions of non-governmental organizations that are genuine peace champions (Santi-raja) which daily contribute to build a better world, the UNESCO supports international criminals who build a world of war and social injustice. This kind of misbehavior by UNESCO, as noted in the “U.N. Case”, is clearly due to the immunity enjoyed by the organization and its members, which allows it to commit crimes with total impunity. Nevertheless, while enjoying political and economic impunity, UNESCO does not enjoy ethical impunity, for in the eyes of the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights this organization is responsible for international crimes, breaching its founding Purpose to sow peace in the mind and heart of the human being, which is an ancient Buddhist idea. Like the UN and the Norwegian Nobel Committee, the UNESCO has violated the sacredness of the supreme human right to peace, ignoring the need for the world to have an adequate thinking guiding humanity toward the good life.

Unlike the powerful international organizations, the Maitriyana brings a New Thought for the creation of a New Civilization and a new Cultural Evolution to the whole humankind, providing integral counter-hegemonic alternatives in order that the peoples can achieve a new politics, economics, culture and environment. By being a movement that is open to revolutionary experiences of all the history, the Buddhist Spirituality produces an educational change in various countries, making visible the extraordinary results that the contemplative, sapiential and ethical practices have. The ancestral knowledges transmitted by Maitriyana are revealing because they design the contents of a better world in the here and now, analyzing and offering solutions to the global ills of war, social injustice, ignorance and pollution. In this way, the Buddhist Spirituality seeks the reform of civilization through unity in diversity, which is a process that depends exclusively on the defense of freedom, equality and fraternity. However, if these transcendental values are not taught as the pillars of psychic and social life, then the educational spheres become mere transmitters of the status quo, being something in which UNESCO clearly participates. Thus the Maitriyana is an Open Thought to the alternatives that emerge in the context of the Utopian Way, ratifying the importance of recovering the revolutionary spirit that always seeks the good life of all beings. The Buddhist Spirituality integrates wisdom and compassion within a Path of universal knowledge, which is why it has the capability of guiding all the peoples of the world toward Awakening and Liberation. Although this peak knowledge is excluded from the official educational field, the Maitriyana works every day to make available to everyone the possibility of accessing to knowledge capable of regenerating a new civilization and a new humanity. This transformative trend of education differs greatly from UNESCO‘s tendency toward the status quo, despite the fact that this international organization possesses enormous resources to open up a new cultural horizon. The transdisciplinary educational revolution of Buddhist Spirituality teaches the humankind the possibility of a constant self-analysis, together with the recognition of the complexity of inter-existence and the hope of building a new civilization. Thus, the Maitriyana is the reform of thought by means of the Awakening (Bodhi) of the open mind, seeking the Cure (Nirvana) of the ills of the world through training the wise and compassionate ability of humanity. This necessarily implies orienting education toward the evanescence of destructive patterns in thoughts, words and acts, transforming the educational system through three fundamental axes: the metapsychological, the metaphilosophical and the metapolitical, which in Edgar Morin’s work would be called the ontological, epistemological and anthropo-ethical. These three axes have been simultaneously developed for two thousand six hundred years by the Buddhist Spirituality, expressing the blindness of ordinary knowledge to reorient society toward the Enlightenment of the peak knowledge. Precisely, the spiritual masters teach humanity to build its future in the very act of present, instead of just suffering the effects of the past. In this way, the Maitriyana teaches an open and intuitive rationality, which is strongly opposed to the closed and conclusive rationality of the official educational system. Therefore, the Buddhist Spirituality brings an unpredictable, new and emerging knowledge, creating the psychic and communitarian conditions that favor creativity and the discovery of Truth. This capability for reinventing the reality, which is the art of living and coexisting, is what has been lost in official education, within which obviously UNESCO is found. The official educational system lacks the broad and profound epistemology needed to reform the thought and solve the problems of the world, which is why the Maitriyana seeks to cure this insufficiency through cutting-edge spiritual methodologies in educational contexts. It is about a paradigm shift from materialistic science to a contemplative, reflective and critical science, developing processes for the formation of good life as a cosmovision that preserves the intrinsic dignity of humanity and the Mother Earth. It is only through the complex reform of thought that a new kind of civilization will emerge, which is nourished by humility and detachment. In this sense, the Buddhist Spirituality works to transmit a liberating education so that the peoples can consciously exercise the intrinsic sacredness of life. The teachings of Maitriyana for the development of a new comprehensive, reflective and supportive civilization restore the transcendental values with the promotion of an ethical, dialectical and empathic education. In this way, the traditions of Buddhist Spirituality are styles that produce special and significant knowledges about reality, constructing it and reconstructing it at every moment through a lifelong educational process. The Maitriyana is the happening of open reason that reconciles multiple psychic, philosophical, artistic, scientific and social knowledges within an Integrative Spirituality, and therefore represents the maximum opportunity for the cultivation of self-knowledge, serenity and non-violence. The Buddhist Spirituality builds environments of learning and dialogue, relating itself with disciplines truly open to multidimensional Truth. The Maitriyana then operates as a community of research, teaching an innovation that fosters the development of new integral ways of being in the world. This creative and anti-dogmatic space is dedicated to debate multiplicity of knowledges and ways of existing, by reflecting and transmitting knowledges which are not addressed by the formal structure of the global educational system. The gestation of this educational Path of Buddhist Spirituality has two thousand six hundred years, so there is a lot of experience to share with institutions around the world, among which the UNESCO can be found. Maitriyana’s plural and integral knowledges form a space of metamorphosis of thought, which is directly linked to the regeneration of civilization, even though there is no support from the institutional and bureaucratic structures of official education. In developing more flexible, dynamic, free and enlightened spaces, the Buddhist Spirituality is an incubator of creativity and revolutionary ideas to build a better world, always considering the reality as open, unforeseeable and unexpected. The Maitriyana teaches to respect all sentient beings in order to teach the true meaning of the good life by means of the force of love, showing that observation, listening and silence are fundamental for an aesthetic and understanding relationship with others. This process of Mindfulness revitalizes democracy and encourages the civilization of peace, empathy and altruism. Thus, the Buddhist Spirituality is an overcoming way of teaching compared to the official educational system, developing strategies and pedagogical methods that facilitate the emergence of a new thinking and a new human being in the here and now. The tradition of Maitriyana is a complex transdisciplinary teaching that transcends the scope of formal education, since its perspective is structurally transnational, permanently creating forms of revolutionary teaching at an international level that aim at a complex, critical and utopian thinking. For this reason, this community of research, teaching and innovation is a model for the peoples of the world to adopt the integrative vision and overcome the false fragmentations of knowledge. Since its foundation two thousand six hundred years ago, the Buddhist Spirituality has excelled because it is oriented toward the construction of a supreme education that starts from the discovery of the intrinsic nature of each human being, revealing his or her natural ability for Liberation and a healthy responsible life. In this way, when the Maitriyana teaches the arts of self-knowledge, it also intervenes in the construction of communities with participatory democracy, while at the same time intercultural respect is practiced. This Purpose or mission of creating the civilization of the good life differs absolutely from the official education and its goal of worldly success. In fact, true education and science is that which produces a cultural evolution, not that which maintains a status quo where the human being is increasingly reduced to a mere good of consumption. The sense of the Path of Buddhist Spirituality is the construction of an educational paradigm that is in peace and harmony with society and the environment, fully developing the potentialities of human being. This means that the Maitriyana teaches much more than mere intellectual development, showing that contemplative, compassionate and ethical development is fundamental to the survival and evolution of humanity. Only through a teaching that guides apprentices to the evanescence of selfishness, dualism and consumerism it will be possible that the world is saved from the self-destructive patterns of humanity. However, the official educational system, where UNESCO is found, does not teach the development of personal consciousness and global consciousness. Obviously, this individual and collective development involves both an awakened mind and a fully democratic participation in the decisions of the world, instead of letting a powerful elite of international organizations to take control over the destiny of humanity. The Buddhist Spirituality teaches to go beyond the Ego, the Ideology and the State, by positioning an overcoming and integrative thought capable of leading all peoples toward a path of global mutual support and natural balance with the Cosmos. Therefore, the Maitriyana differs from UNESCO because the former seeks an emancipatory education rather than seeking a competitive education. This revolutionary vision is based on the need to abandon the nefarious social practices that have plagued the world with wars, poverty, ignorance and pollution. Thus, instead of technological knowledge, the educational system should be focused on ethical knowledge, teaching human beings not to attack others and the nature of which they are part. The world urgently needs an education that is based on peace, justice, compassionate wisdom and ecology, replacing the current individualistic civilization with the solidary civilization of the future. As should not be expected too much from a civilization in which the UN and UNESCO violate human rights, then the Buddhist Spirituality offers an unconditional guidance so that the nations of the world can have a beacon toward integral development. The Maitriyana agrees with the great political revolutionaries in the fact that education frees the subject from all types of manipulation, mobilizing the consciousness facing the devastating power of hegemonies, since it develops the mind and strengthens the critical reason. The contemplative, wise and ethical education determines the evolution of human beings so that they are able to make compassion to prevail over the self-destructive drive of materialistic civilization, allowing the Cure from oppression, inequality and conflictivity. For this reason, the Buddhist Spirituality shows that solidarity is the first thing that should be taught in education systems, differing from the regime carried out by organizations such as UNESCO. Consequently, the Maitriyana seeks to form citizens of the world instead of forming consumers of the world, calling for the human being to regain his/her intrinsic liberation nature. Thus, emancipation is the main educational goal of Buddhist Spirituality, showing that the true pedagogical act implies liberating from the logic of control promoted by the State. In teaching supreme values, the Maitriyana has the universal mission of generating supreme human beings who construct alternatives to the present course of civilization, differing itself from the teaching based on the competitiveness promoted by the capitalist system and UNESCO. The liberating perspective of the Buddhist Spirituality is a socially engaged teaching, which is opposed to the sophist forces of official education. The Maitriyana is profoundly dedicated to the independence of the peoples, waging a decisive battle in the cultural field of education so that revolutionary ideas acquire great relevance at the political, economic and environmental levels. In short, satisfying the aspirations and desires of reaching the Awakening (Bodhi), which is an interest that all peoples have, will greatly help to liberate humankind from the pandemics of capitalist civilization.

In conclusion, the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights has the Purpose (Dharma) to defend True Education in the world, promoting sciences and knowledges that contribute to a better world, which implies criticizing and correcting organizations that are corrupt and promote a false vision of peace (santi). Therefore, as was performed in the “Case Norwegian Nobel Committee”, it is established that UNESCO & Director-General Irina Bokova is violating Buddhist Ethics and the human right to peace (santi) through the complicity with international criminals. Undoubtedly, international organizations such as the UN and UNESCO are completely betraying their foundational ideals, since they have abandoned the idea of creating and maintaining a peaceful, just, educated and healthy civilization. Therefore, the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights carries out an ethical and spiritual guidance that is invaluable, showing the corruption and impunity of these organizations that currently convey a perverse vision of peace. Only through Appropriate Knowledge, which is wise and compassionate, the international organizations will be able to contribute to the salvation of the world and to the cultural evolution of humanity. In this way, the case against UNESCO & Director-General Irina Bokova constitutes new evidence of the Ethical Power exercised by the Buddhist Spirituality as the maximum producer of global transformation.

On the other hand, it is put on record the fact that during this trial against UNESCO & Director-General Irina Bokova, a Brazilian court sentenced former President Lula Da Silva to nine years in prison for being Responsible for the crimes of corruption and money laundering, which fully demonstrates UNESCO‘s malfunctioning when awarding the former president with a Peace Prize, claiming that he had contributed to Brazil’s social justice.

Following the path of Master Gautama, who is the highest model of education for peace, the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights supervises that international organizations in charge of leading the world do not pervert and commit attacks against world peace and human rights, so that UNESCO & Director-General Irina Bokova has been sentenced as “Responsible” for Discrimination, Corruption, Complicity with Human Rights Violations and Complicity with Crimes against Peace.

With a spirit of reconciliation (maitri),

Master Maitreya Samyaksambuddha

President and Spiritual Judge of the International Buddhist Ethics Committee (IBEC) & Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights (BTHR)

 

Evidences of UNESCO Case

 

Case 28-2017: UNESCO & Director-General Irina Bokova

 

By Master Yan Maitri-Shi, Prosecutor

 

HONORABLE JURY OF INTERNATIONAL BUDDHIST ETHICS COMMITTEE (IBEC) & BUDDHIST TRIBUNAL ON HUMAN RIGHTS (BTHR)

After Legitimating and Validating Evidences and Charges by Master Maitreya, President and Spiritual Judge of IBEC-BTHR, it is addressed the case against the accused party, UNESCO & Director-General Irina Bokova. This investigation was initiated from the Case Lama Ole Nydahl and also from the Case United Nations (UN).

The Charges by which the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights is accusing UNESCO & Director-General Irina Bokova are enumerated below:

  • Discrimination
  • Corruption
  • Complicity with Human Rights Violations
  • Complicity with Crimes against Peace

 

Therefore, it is detailed a series of EVIDENCES that support the Charges referred so that the Jury members decide about the possible “Responsibility”, “Innocence” or “Insanity” of the accused. Such evidence come from graphic and audiovisual media that have been gathered, sorted and confirmed in their order and context as Means of Proof in order to know, establish, dictate and determine the Responsibility of the Accused for committing the aforementioned Charges.

The procedure established in the Statute of INTERNATIONAL BUDDHIST ETHICS  COMMITTEE & BUDDHIST TRIBUNAL ON HUMAN RIGHTS provides both bodies the ostentation to enjoy independence and liberty from state and national regulation and control, besides having the legality and acting as a Buddhist People in order to assert its customs, traditions, practices, procedures, judgments and rights as well as acting in pursuit of the development of Spirituality, of Buddhist Ethics, and of the defense of International Human Rights. This procedure has the particularity, singularity and distinction of having “Special Jurisdiction of the Tribal Law” and “Universal Jurisdiction of the International Law”, thus having the Character, Juridical validity, Legal Powers, infrastructure, Training and Capability necessary to be Actor, Administrator and Executor of Justice in this realm and exercise, by judging of the Accused by means of an Ethical Judgment whose Purpose is Truth, Reconciliation and Learning.-

 

 

DETAILS OF EVIDENCES

Evidence 1: NON-COMPLIANCE WITH BUDDHIST LAW

Evidence 2: CORRUPTION

Evidence 3: COMPLICITY WITH HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS

Evidence 4: UNESCO AWARD AGAINST HUMAN RIGHTS

Evidence 5: DISCRIMINATION AGAINST THE JEWS

Evidence 6: UNESCO PEACE PRIZE TO JIMMY CARTER

Evidence 7: UNESCO PEACE PRIZE TO THE ASSOCIATION GRANDMOTHERS OF PLAZA DE MAYO

Evidence 8: UNESCO PEACE PRIZE TO President Abdoulaye Wade

Evidence 9: UNESCO PEACE PRIZE TO PRESIDENT FRANCOIS HOLLANDE

Evidence 10: UNESCO PEACE PRIZE TO PRESIDENT Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva

Evidence 11: CENSORSHIP

 

 

Evidence 1: NON-COMPLIANCE WITH BUDDHIST LAW

Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights: The Discrimination is a deep violation of Buddhist Law. Therefore, when Lama Ole Nydahl received an “UNESCO Prize” provided by a Spanish Association, the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights declared that this Prize was void since Mr Nydahl has performed deep discrimination against Muslim people for several years, violating basic Human Rights that have been protected by UNESCO. The Director-General of UNESCO has not responded to this Ethical Judgment. Moreover, the Buddhist Tribunal on Human rights not only performed an international legal case against the UNESCO Association of Malaga which has delivered the Prize to Nydahl, but also performed an international legal case against the UNESCO Commission which must control the UNESCO Association of Malaga. Both have been sentenced by Complicity with Discrimination, for violating the ethical principles of UNESCO. However, the Director-General of UNESCO has never responded to all these international legal actions performed by the Buddhist Law. In front this breach against Buddhist Law, the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights has publicly repudiated Irina Bokova as candidate for the post of UN Secretary-General.

 

Evidence 2: CORRUPTION

Walter Pincus (Washington Post): “The General Accounting Office is investigating allegations that the director general of the U.N. Scientific, Educational and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), Amidou Mahtar M’Bow, has sought reimbursement from the Paris-based U.N. agency for thousands of dollars in food, hotel and travel expenses already paid by other organizations, congressional sources said yesterday. These and other allegations of corruption in UNESCO have been gathered by two House committees, the sources said. Mismanagement of programs, personnel and the agency’s $200 million-a-year budget was among the reasons given by the Reagan administration last December for its decision to withdraw from UNESCO at the end of this year.”[1]

Jon Henley (The Guardian): “A private memo obtained by the Guardian shows that two French cabinet ministers have intervened directly with the secretariat of Unesco to ensure that former presidential aides would be given cushy senior positions in the Paris-based UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation. Such cronyism reaches into almost every corner of Unesco, according to young professionals who despair of salvaging the organisation they work for. Nepotism is also rife, they say, after watching well-paid jobs go to mistresses and family members. Some staff say that with mismanagement so pervasive, it may make little difference who becomes the next director general – a secret ballot by the executive council begins today with a Japanese candidate, Koichiro Matsuuro, the favourite to replace Federico Mayor, the Spanish biochemist who has held the post for 12 years. Documents seen by the Guardian indicate that the international body has reformed little in the decade since its name became a byword for inefficiency, nepotism and corruption – practices that caused the United States and Britain to pull out as members, although Britain has since rejoined. As well as the memorandum to Mr Mayor from one of his deputies informing him of two French ministerial interventions, a damning independent audit commissioned and carried out by the Canadian government is heavily critical of almost every area of Unesco’s operations. Cronyism seems all but endemic, with about 40% of the organisation’s appointments and promotions failing to meet Unesco’s own criteria for fair competition, the audit says. The report has been in the hands of Unesco’s ambassadors and its secretariat for nearly a year, yet staff say they have seen no action taken on its critical conclusions. To judge from the report, Unesco has also learned little from the 1980s accusations of fund-wasting on a huge scale. The organisation is stuffed with bosses: it has promoted so many managers to senior posts and taken on so many consultants that, despite a two-yearly budget of $544m (£340m), it cannot afford the properly qualified staff it needs to run its programmes effectively. The audit report also found that Unesco failed to measure programmes to see what taxpayers around the world and recipients had got for the money spent. Neither did it systematically assess the impact of what its programmes. Most internal accounting and audit procedures were inadequate, and computers were so outdated that this year it is possible that no final accounting figures may be produced.”[2]

Bivol: “A confidential report of UNESCO’s Internal Oversight Service Audit & Investigation Unit reveals scandalous details surrounding the appointment of Ms. Ana Luiza Thompson-Flores as Director of BSP. (…) BSP is an acronym for UNESCO’s Bureau of Strategic Planning, which de facto controls the overall budget and manages the financial resources of the organization. (…) The appointment of Ms. Thompson-Flores involved drastic procedural violations: conflicts of interest, leaked confidential information, improper manipulation of UNESCO’s own rules and procedures, and submission of a fake diploma by the candidate. The people responsible for these violations hold the highest-ranking posts in UNESCO, while the audit document repeatedly refers to the actions of Mrs. Bokova herself.  Public information about the case is scarce. What is known is that at the end of 2014, Ms. Thompson-Flores became Assistant Director-General for Strategic Planning, only to be removed from the post a few months later, in September 2015. These abrupt developments attracted public attention, but both Mrs. Bokova and Ms. Thompson-Flores declined to comment for the media (…). Management is Bokova’s Achilles heel. She is a real product of the communist nomenklatura in Bulgaria.  A confidential report obtained by Bivol sheds abundant light on Ms. Thompson-Flores’ appointment and quick demotion. The report contains a detailed chronology of all the events related to the two scandalous.  On May 5, 2015, Mr. Mohamed Sameh Amr, Chairperson of UNESCO’s Executive Board, sought clarification on issues pertaining to the appointment of Ms. Thompson-Flores, and asked Mrs. Bokova for an explanation on the recruitment procedures that had been followed and invited her to address concerns, perceptions and rumors that had been brought to the attention of the organization’s Internal Oversight Service. In other words, behind its unassuming façade, internally UNESCO was in for some turbulent times. The story began in 2011, when Ms. Ana Luiza Thompson-Flores became head of the Bureau of Human Resources Management (HRM). She was appointed to the post through manipulation of the recruitment procedures and lowering of the qualification requirements – according to the report. The first irregularity in that case was the participation of Ms. Thompson-Flores, in her capacity as Deputy Director of HRM, in the preparation of the Vacancy Notice and the job announcement under the supervision of the Director-General Irina Bokova. Bokova also appointed her as a member of the pre-selection committee. Conflict of interests? Yes, but that is not all. There was a concrete formal obstacle preventing the selection of the favorite, Thompson-Flores, for the post. For that post, there was a requirement for an advanced degree; however, Ms. Thompson-Flores had no such degree. That obstacle was circumvented by employing dubious means– the qualification requirements for the post were lowered. Bokova canceled the first job competition at the end of 2010, at the final stage when six candidates were already shortlisted and interviewed. The post was then re-advertised. Ms. Thompson-Flores herself modified the desired profile of the candidate in the Vacancy Notice. Then the Vacancy Notice was submitted to the Director of the Office of the Director-General for the Director-General’s review and approval. Attention! Further changes were made at this stage lowering the educational requirements, states the report in black and white. In other words, the changes were made either by a member of the Office of the Director-General, or by the Director-General herself. Since it was not clear who exactly introduced the changes, the IOS continued its investigation in the issue. What is clear is the nature of the changes to the requirements – they were edited so that they could fit the qualifications of Ms. Thompson-Flores. Instead of an advanced degree the candidate was allowed to apply on grounds of having equivalent extensive professional experience. The second announcement attracted 279 candidates; 15 were shortlisted, and 5 were selected for final interviews. Finally, on April 17, 2011, Irina Bokova decided to appoint Ms. Thompson-Flores to her dream-post Head of Human Resources of UNESCO (starting annual salary $120,000). Three years later, history repeated itself. In 2014, Ms. Thompson-Flores, in her capacity as HRM Director, drafted the Vacancy Notice for the post Assistant Director-General for Strategic Planning. Contrary to every professional unwritten rule, the announcement for this important post, whose responsibilities involve all strategic, programmatic and budgeting issues as well as the extrabudgetary funding of UNESCO, was made on August 4, in the deadest possible period. The outgoing head of the Bureau of Strategic Planning had recommended to HRM (to Thompson-Flores) to include in the Vacancy Notice an educational requirement for a Ph.D. degree. But once again, the qualification requirements were lowered. The Ph.D. degree was included in the draft Vacancy Notice only as a desired qualification, and was not included as a mandatory requirement in the final Notice. Having eliminated this stumbling block, Ms. Thompson-Flores had her draft Vacancy Notice approved by Irina Bokova. And of course, she applied for the post. In this case, again, there was a conflict of interest, which Ms. Thompson-Flores did not report to the UNESCO’s Ethics Office. Thus, that conflict of interest was never addressed, states the report. The investigators, however, continued checking both appointments for conflicts of interest. 195 candidates applied for the post Assistant Director-General for Strategic Planning, 7 were recommended for interview. On the Director-General’s instruction the pre-selection committee reviewed the list and reduced it to 6 candidates, following a strange instruction for better geographical representation. Finally, Irina Bokova personally interviewed the candidates (including Thompson-Flores) and decided to appoint her to the post. This time, however, the institution found this to be a pill hard to swallow. In the end, the Brazilian was exposed as a sham and subsequently fired. She not only didn’t have aPh.D. degree, but she had also embellished her biography by claiming a non-existent MBA – certificate. The appointment letter from 2011, signed by Irina Bokova, states that Ms. Thompson – Flores holds a Bachelor of Science in Business Administration from the American University in Washington D. C. and an MBA Certificate from John Cabot University in Rome. There is an emphasis on her over 20 years of experience in various fields of Human Resources within the UN system. MBA, Master of Business Administration, is an accepted equivalent of the Master’s degree (MA). The check, however, showed that Such certificate did not exist and that the document presented by Ms. Thompson-Flores was actually a Certificate in Management, which is not the same as MBA. The investigators continued their probe in the replacement of one type of document with another and its submission with the job application. Besides questions regarding the suspicious diploma, the Executive Board of UNESCO suspected downright criminal actions, such as destroyed, altered, removed or inserted documentation into or from the official recruitment files for the Director HRM and ADG/BSP posts to which the favored Thompson-Flores was appointed. The audit rejected these allegations and found no irregularities in the hard copy files. But the report states that Ms. Thompson-Flores submitted her motivation letter supporting her candidature for ADG/BSP by e-mail 16 days after the deadline to submit the job application. This means that her application file was incomplete, but the application was accepted after the deadline as some kind of compromise. The audit then found that Ms. Thompson-Flores did not meet two of the 16 required qualifications for the ADG/BSP post, namely: a demonstrated experience in developing and managing the preparation of the programme and budget of a large international organization, including budgeting techniques and results-based budgeting approaches. Thompson-Flores also lacked demonstrated ability in the field of resource building and mobilization. The auditing body emphasized that the Director-General can only appoint staff members who fully meet the essential requirements set forth in the Vacancy Notice. But Irina Bokova has done exactly the contrary.”[3]

Andre Vltchek: “The situation changed only after the organization was so-called “reformed”, especially under the leadership of yet another Japanese pro-Western bureaucrat lackey, Director-General (1999-2009), Koichiro Matsuura. Educated in the US, this Japanese career diplomat took over the Paris-based organization in 1999. Since then Mr. Matsuura had been relentlessly lobbying for the United States to return, while purging “hardline” anti-imperialist cadres from the ranks of his organization. Under his leadership, UNESCO became toothless, submissive to the West, and technocratic. He managed to strip it of all ideological principles. In short: he turned UNESCO into yet “another UN agency”. There is absolutely nothing we can do”, several UNESCO staff members told me in Paris, during the Matsuura reign. “This is perhaps the end of the organization, as we know it. It is the end of its independent and progressive global stand. (…) UNESCO staff should insist on defending original values of its organization. It should be once again serving humanity, not the bullies in Washington or Tokyo! (…) On 11 November 2015, the United States was elected as a Member of the Executive Board of UNESCO for a four-year term. It received 158 votes. It was truly bizarre occurrence, considering that the country already lost its right to vote, after not paying its dues since 2011.”[4]

 

Evidence 3: COMPLICITY WITH HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS

UN Watch: “Though its ruler Omar al-Bashir is wanted for genocide by the International Criminal Court, the regime of Sudan was elected on Friday to the decision-making Executive Board of UNESCO, the world agency on education, science, and culture. (…)The Islamic Republic of Iran — which has helped the Syrian regime kill 300,000 of its own people, and sponsors terrorism worldwide — was also elected last week to the highest body of UNESCO, whose declared mission is “Building peace in the minds of men and women.” UNESCO had no shame announcing the latest UN reward to the theocracy, one of the world’s most egregious violators of human rights.”[5]

Hillel C. Neuer – UN Watch Executive Director: “15 April 2013. Dear Ms. Bokova, UN Watch is alarmed by the reported destruction by Hamas of parts of the ancient Anthedon Harbor in Gaza for use as a terrorist training camp. We urge you to bring the matter immediately before the UNESCO Executive Board, currently meeting at its 191st session in Paris, for protective action. We note the tragic irony that this destruction by the rulers of Gaza comes exactly one year after the area was nominated by new UNESCO member state Palestine as a World Heritage site. As you must know, earlier last month, despite criticism from nongovernmental organizations, the Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades of Hamas bulldozed a part of the Anthedon Harbor in northern Gaza along the Mediterranean Sea, according to yesterday’s report by Al Monitor Palestine Pulse. Hamas damaged the harbor in order to expand its military training zone, which was initially opened on the location in 2002, according to your own UNESCO representative in Gaza, Yousef al-Ejla. That the UNESCO executive has so far failed to place the Hamas destruction and cynical abuse of this site on its agenda underscores the tragic politicization and diversion of the agency’s mission to protect world culture and heritage. (…) UNESCO’s admission of Palestine as a member state in 2011, which caused the organization to lose almost a quarter of its budget when the US suspended its contributions, was justified as a measure to help protect world heritage sites in Palestinian areas. Yet as Hamas turns a cultural heritage site into a terrorist training ground—the antithesis of culture—the silence of UNESCO now places the very credibility of the organization at stake.”[6]

Hillel C. Neuer – UN Watch Executive Director: “For UNESCO to keep President Bashar al-Assad on a human rights committee while his regime mercilessly murders its own people is immoral, indefensible and an insult to Syria’s victims, (…).The world squandered a golden opportunity to expose the Assad regime’s lack of legitimacy. Politics trumped human rights, with too many UNESCO diplomats fearful that if Syria were removed for gross violations, their own regimes would be next. Today’s appalling decision calls into question the credibility of UNESCO’s mission to promote human rights. Syria’s membership is a lingering stain upon the reputation of the UN as a whole, (…). While today’s text rightly condemns Syria’s violations — a welcome first for UNESCO — the promised call to oust the regime from UNESCO’s human rights panel has been completely excised. (…) By maintaining Assad in a position of global influence on human rights, UNESCO today has sent absolutely the wrong message. It an unconscionable insult to the suffering people of Syria”[7]  “It’s shocking that only two months ago the UN’s leading agency on science, culture and education gave two position of global influence on human rights to a regime that is raping, torturing and killing its own men, women and children. This was an unconscionable decision that must be reversed immediately, and we hope that all 58 countries on the UNESCO board will join the UK in doing do.”[8]

British Foreign Office: “(The British Foreign Office) deplores the continuing membership of Syria on this committee and does not believe that Syria’s presence is conducive to the work of the body or UNESCO’s reputation. We have therefore joined with other countries in putting forward an item for the first meeting of the Executive Board at which we will seek to explicitly address Syria’s membership of the body.”

UN Watch: “The U.N.’s Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization funded a Palestinian children’s magazine that published an article praising the Nazi genocide of six million Jews, reported Palestinian Media Watch last week. After a global outcry, UNESCO has now agreed to withdraw its support. UN Watch is demanding a full investigation. UNESCO’s cancellation of funding for a Palestinian children’s magazine that extols Hitler and the mass murder of Jews is a belated step in the right direction, but it’s far from sufficient,” Hillel Neuer, executive director of Geneva-based NGO UN Watch, said. “How and why did UNESCO fund this hatred in the first place? Who was responsible? Neuer said UN Watch endorses the call to investigate the circumstances of the funding to make sure it doesn’t recur. UN officials cannot credibly demand accountability from others when they refuse to examine their own actions – especially those that incite to racial discrimination and genocide, Neuer said. Regrettably, this latest incident only underscores that UNESCO is, too often, failing to live up its own values and mission. More than 60 MPs and human-rights groups, headed by UN Watch, are demanding that UNESCO also cancel its recent election of Syria’s murderous regime to two global human rights posts, he said.”[9]

Appeal for UNESCO to Cancel Its Election of Syria to Human Rights Committees: Shocked that the UNESCO Executive Board, on 11 November 2011, elected the Syrian Arab Republic to two committees dealing with human rights—the Committee on Conventions and Recommendations, which examines communications relating to the exercise of human rights, and the Committee on International Non-Governmental Organizations, which is charged with overseeing the work of civil society and human rights groups within UNESCO; Having considered the recent findings of United Nations Human Rights Council investigators that the Syrian regime has in the past year committed crimes against humanity, including the murder of 5,000 of its citizens, the torturing of children and rape; Recalling that earlier this year, after United Nations Watch revealed that Syria had cynically submitted its candidacy for a seat on the UN Human Rights Council, a global protest campaign emerged with the support of Human Rights Watch, the Syrian Human Rights Committee, the Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies, and numerous other NGOs and UN stakeholders, helping to successfully defeat the candidacy of the Assad regime; (…) Declaring that each day that the Syria continues to sit on the aforementioned UNESCO human rights committees constitutes an affront to the memory of the innocents who continue to be killed by the Assad regime, and casts a shadow upon the reputation of UNESCO, and of the United Nations system as a whole; We, the undersigned Members of Parliament, human rights organizations, civil society representatives and pro-democracy dissidents and activists, do hereby appeal to the UNESCO Executive Board to urgently remove the Syrian regime from the aforementioned human rights committees, and to publicly apologize to the victims of the Syrian regime for having elected it in the first place. Angie Bray, Member of British Parliament; Frieda Brepoels, Belgian Member of European Parliament, Committee on Foreign Affairs, Committee on Human Rights; Irwin Cotler, Member of Canadian Parliament, Liberal Critic for Human Rights, Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on International Human Rights; Michael Danby, Member of Australian Parliament, Committee on Foreign Affairs; Ana Gomes, Potuguese Member of European Parliament, Committee on Foreign Affairs, Committee on Human Rights; Matteo Mecacci, Member of Italian Parliament, Chairman of Committee on Democracy, Human Rights and Humanitarian Questions of OSCE Parliamentary Assembly; Karin S. Woldseth, Member of Norwegian Parliament, Committee on Foreign Affairs; Hillel Neuer, Executive Director, UN Watch, Switzerland; Rami Nakhle, Syrian National Council; Lama Atassi, Syrian democracy activist; Ismael Hachem, President, France Syrie Démocratie; Ahed Al Hendi, Syrian dissident, Cyberdissidents.org; Yang Jianli, Former prisoner of conscience and survivor of Tiananmen Square massacre, President, Initiatives for China; Dr. Osama Kadi, President, Syrian Centre for Political and Strategic Studies; Robert R. LaGamma, President, Council of the Committee of Democracies; Amina Bouayach, President, Organisation Marocaine des Droits Humains, Morocco; Yang Kuanxing, Chinese writer, original signatory to Charter ’08 manifesto calling for political reform in China, Editor of China E-Weekly; Abdinoor Farey, Executive Director, Somali Youth for Peace and Development, Somalia; Bhawani Shanker Kusum, Executive Director, Gram Bharati Samiti, India; Dr. Harris O. Schoenberg, President, UN Reform Advocates, USA; Okay Machisa, National Director, Zimbabwe Human Rights Association, Zimbabwe; Phil ya Nangoloh, Executive Director, NamRights, Namibia; Nguyên Lê Nhân Quyên, Delegate, Vietnamese League for Human Rights, Switzerland; Catherine Legna, Secrétaire général, Comité international des Juristes pour la défense des victimes de la répression du soulèvement en Iran, France; Peter Hesse, Director, Peter Hesse Foundation, Germany; Francois Ullmann, President, Ingénieurs du Monde, France; John Suarez, International Secretary, Directorio Democratico Cubano; Sylvia G. Iriondo, President, Mothers and Women against Repression / MAR por Cuba; Don Kraus, Chief Executive Officer, Citizens for Global Solutions, USA; Dr Richard Lawson, Founder, Campaign for Global Human Rights Index, UK; Nazanin Afshin-Jam, President, Stop Child Executions, Canada; Hu Ping, Editor in Chief, Beijing Spring; Wang Longmeng, President, Chinese-Tibetan Association France; Christina Fu, President, New Hope Foundation, USA; Duy Hoang, Spokesman, Viet Tan, Vietnam; Jacky Mamou, President, Collectif Urgence Darfour, France; Panayote Dimitras, Spokesperson, Greek Helsinki Monitor, Greece; Dr. Theodor Rathgeber, Forum Human Rights, Germany; Dickson Mugendi David Ntwiga, Executive Director, Solidarity House International, Kenya; Gibreil Hamid , Darfur Peace and Development Centre, President, Switzerland; Alain Jakubowicz, President, Ligue Internationale Contre le Racisme et l’Antisémitisme, France; Sr Catherine Waters, OP, Main Representative to UN, Catholic International Education Office, USA; Simone Abel, Director, René Cassin, United Kingdom; Jean Stoner, SNDdeN, NGO Representative at the United Nations, Sisters of Notre Dame de Namur, USA; Dr Charles Mwape, President, Christian Coalition, Zambia; David French, former Chief Executive Officer (2003-2009), of Westminster Foundation for Democracy, an agency of the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office; Virginia Swain, Director and CoFounder, Center for Global Community and World Law, USA; Orrvar Dalby, Director International Program Department, Norwegian People’s Aid, Norway; Nirvana González Rosa, General Coordinator, Latin American and Caribbean Women’s Health Network, Chile; Angelamaria Loreto, President, IUS PRIMI VIRI International Association, Italy; Galina Nechitailo, Vice President, Environmental Women’s Assembly, Russia; Ali Egal, Chairman, Fanole Human rights & Development Organization, Somalia/Kenya; Léonie de Picciotto, Representative to the UN Geneva, International Council of Jewish Women, Switzerland; Kyung B. Lee, President, The Council for Human Rights in North Korea, Canada”[10]

Panorama.am: “Does Irina Bokova, implicated in corruption scandals, push forward candidate from repressive Azerbaijan for UNESCO Director General? Irina Bokova, Director General of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO), will run for the post of UN Secretary General, while promoting an Azerbaijani representative as UNESCO’s Director General, according to Organised Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP). According to the report, the European Centre of Press and Media Freedom stated in an appeal that Azerbaijan failed in its commitment to UNESCO’s ideals and aims, which includes protecting freedom of expression. The Azerbaijani government has been widely criticised for imprisoning journalists and shutting down independent media organisations. In an August 2015 interview to the Azerbaijani information agency Trend, Bokova expressed her gratitude to the authorities of the Republic of Azerbaijan and noted a close cooperation with the Heydar Aliyev Foundation, its financial support and joint projects.”[11]

 

Evidence 4: UNESCO AWARD AGAINST HUMAN RIGHTS

Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights: The UNESCO has created a Prize for improving the quality of human life. This award has been named Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, who is a dictator from Equatorial Guinea famous for being an authoritarian, brutal and corrupt ruler. He performed Human Rights violations, such as arbitrary arrest and torture of political opponents, also oppressing his people by means of poverty. This Prize was suspended in 2010. However, in 2012 UNESCO started to deliver this Prize with a new name.

Archbishop Desmond Tutu, Nobel peace prize winner: “(Unesco) is allowing itself to burnish the unsavoury reputation of a dictator”

Chris McGreal (The Guardian): “Human Rights groups and anti-corruption organisations have accused Unesco of laundering the reputation of a kleptocrat with an appalling human rights record. (…) Seven recipients of a Unesco prize for courageous journalists wrote to the organisation objecting to an award, the Unesco Obiang Nguema Mbasogo International Prize for Research, named after a leader who oppresses the media. On Monday the US ambassador to Unesco, David Killion, urged the organisation to suspend the award in a belated show of disapproval of Obiang by Washington, which has generally overlooked the shortcomings of his rule since the discovery of oil in Equatorial Guinea. (…) About 270 organisations that united to campaign against the award, including Human Rights Watch, welcomed the delay but said that the prize must be cancelled. The coalition reiterated its calls for the funds behind the prize to be used to promote basic education and address other needs of Equatorial Guinea’s people, they said. (…) Obiang served his uncle and Equatorial Guinea’s previous ruler, Francisco Macias Nguema, as a military governor and then head of the national guard during a bloody reign of terror during the 1970s in which it is estimated half of the population were killed or fled abroad. Obiang seized power in 1979, put his uncle on trial but cut the hearing short when Macias started talking about Obiang’s own crimes. Macias was then sentenced and shot. When Equatorial Guinea was on the brink of becoming an oil rich nation in the mid-1990s, Obiang promised that it would be the Kuwait of Africa. Few would call it that today. Obiang has decreed the management of petroleum revenues to be a state secret so it is not known exactly where the billions of dollars in annual revenue goes, except that it does not go to the people. (…) Equatorial Guinea state radio has declared Obiang to be a god who is in permanent contact with the almighty and can kill anyone without being called to account.”[12]

The Zimbabwean: “The letter, signed by 127 African laureates, scholars, human rights defenders, and citizens of Equatorial Guinea, cited the record of serious abuses and mismanagement of the countrys wealth by the eponymous funder of the prize, President Teodoro Obiang Nguema of Equatorial Guinea. The continued existence of this prize is inimical to UNESCOs mission and an affront to Africans everywhere who work for the betterment of our countries, the letter said. Equatorial Guinea has the highest GDP per capita on the continent, yet 3 out of 4 Equatoguineans live in poverty (…) and even basic education and health care remain unattainable for the vast majority. Civil liberties are heavily curtailed: in August, four Equatoguinean refugees were abducted from neighboring Benin, tortured for months and then summarily tried and executed. While Equatorial Guineas government has tried to characterize opposition to this prize as racist and colonialist, in fact many Africans have been vocal opponents of the prize, said Tutu Alicante, an Equatoguinean and Executive Director of the human rights organization EG Justice. Not all Africans believe that a dictator should be able to purchase legitimacy in Paris. Many recognize that this prize harms Africans. UNESCOs Executive Board has a responsibility to protect the organizations integrity, which this prize places in jeopardy. The diversion of wealth that should benefit Equatoguineans to finance a prize honoring President Obiang runs counter to the objective of improving human dignity that underpins the mission of UNESCO, the letter said.”[13]

EGJustice: “UNESCO should reject a new bid to honor Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, the president of Equatorial Guinea and now Africa’s longest serving ruler, with a prize in his name, (…) UNESCO should not honor President Obiang, said Tutu Alicante, of the nongovernmental human rights organization EG Justice. If he wishes to fund science and education around the world, he should start with his own country, where many still lack basic services such as electricity and clean water, while the president and his family flaunt an extravagant lifestyle that is the subject of legal investigations around the world. According to evidence produced in 2004 and 2010 investigations by the US Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, President Obiang and close family members have diverted tens of millions of dollars from their country’s natural resource earnings to their private benefit. The 2010 US State Department  human rights report decried official corruption at all levels of government and noted that the president and members of his inner circle continued to amass personal profits from the oil windfall. Equatorial Guinea is consistently ranked among the most corrupt countries on the globe by Transparency International. (…) Critics of the prize have highlighted the contrast between the mandate of UNESCO to promote human rights along with its work to defend free expression, and the record of severe repression and official corruption that have marked President Obiang’s 32-year rule. Severe restrictions on press freedom, together with self-censorship, make it difficult for citizens of Equatorial Guinea to challenge the government from inside the country over sensitive topics such as ongoing foreign investigations into the alleged corruption of President Obiang and his close associates. The government has been repeatedly condemned by UN and other human rights monitors for its systematic use of torture.  Recent elections have been criticized as neither free nor fair. (…) In August 2010 President Obiang’s government shocked the world when it executed four dissident exiles within an hour after a summary military proceeding found them guilty of treason and attempted assassination.”[14]

Human Rights Watch: “The UNESCO-Obiang Nguema Mbasogo International Prize for Research in the Life Sciences is named after and financed by the dictator of the oil-rich West African country of Equatorial Guinea, Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, who presides over an appalling record of human rights violations and corruption. The existence of this prize constitutes an unwarranted international endorsement of Obiang, who has displayed open contempt for the values UNESCO promotes. His rule has been marked by systematic political repression, the needless deprivation of the most basic needs of his people, and the blatant use of public funds for personal gain. Moreover, the UNESCO-Obiang Prize seriously undermines the reputation of UNESCO and its ability to carry out its mission to promote education, science, culture, and human rights. For all of these reasons, the UNESCO-Obiang Prize should be cancelled and the funds used to benefit the people of Equatorial Guinea. UNESCO’s leadership, including the governments that belong to its governing executive board, need to intervene urgently if this scandalous prize is to be halted before it is too late. (…) Despite expressions of concern about the creation of the UNESCO-Obiang Prize from governments, human rights groups, scholars, and others from 2008 to the present, UNESCO has so far declined to cancel the prize. The organization’s response has been inconsistent. A public statement by UNESCO’s spokesperson on January 7, 2010, indicated that the organization would carry out a review of UNESCO prizes and that the UNESCO-Obiang prize remained on hold pending this review. (…) It would be appropriate for all UNESCO member states to object to the prize, which contradicts the requirement stated in article 1 of UNESCO’s constitution that UNESCO further universal respect for justice, for the rule of law and for the human rights and fundamental freedoms which are affirmed for the peoples of the world, without distinction of race, sex, language or religion, by the Charter of the United Nations. Governments from various regions have their own rationale to speak out at, or before, the June 15 meeting. For example, officials from Argentina, France, Ghana, Germany, Italy, South Korea, Spain, and the United States expressed concerns about abuses in Equatorial Guinea when its human rights record was reviewed at the Human Rights Council in Geneva in December 2009. (…) As various UN bodies and other sources have documented, the government of Equatorial Guinea has an abysmal human rights record. Obiang’s neglect of social and economic rights, as well as civil and political rights, in Equatorial Guinea is in direct contrast to UNESCO’s mandate to promote education, science, culture, and human rights. Violations of human rights in Equatorial Guinea include the following: *Willful neglect of its international obligations with respect to the rights to education and health. under the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) by its failure to allocate available funds for essential social services. The result has been worsening child mortality rates over the past decade that result in Equatorial Guinea having the highest child mortality rates in the world in 2010, declining primary school enrollment, and needless poverty. *Longstanding violations of the rights to freedom of expression and association, leading Reporters Without Borders to identify Obiang as one of its 40 predators of press freedom in 2010. *Deeply entrenched political repression. Opposition parties are silenced through the use of criminal prosecution, arbitrary arrest, and harassment. The country has never experienced free and fair elections. Obiang, who came into power after overthrowing his uncle in a coup, celebrated his thirtieth year in power in August 2009. He was re-elected with 95.4 percent of the vote in a highly flawed presidential election in November 2009. *Rampant torture in detention, as documented in a 2009 report by the UN special rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, Manfred Nowak. Arbitrary detention and arrests without legal due process are also common; numerous detainees are held for indefinite periods without knowing the charges against them. *Extensive corruption and mismanagement. Although the GDP of this once-poor country has shot up more than 5,000 percent since the mid-1990s, when oil was first discovered there, and elevated its wealth per capita to over $30,000, the overwhelming majority of the population lives on less than a dollar a day. Rather than benefiting the people, vast sums of the country’s oil revenues have gone to bankroll personal purchases for Obiang, his family, and his close associates. The corruption of Obiang and his family is the subject of ongoing legal cases in France (under appeal) and Spain (under investigation). A further case is under consideration before the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, in which human rights groups that initiated the action contend that Obiang’s diversion of the country’s oil wealth violates the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights. Official inquiries in the United States include a February 2010 investigation by the US Senate and a criminal inquiry by US authorities. In 2007, for example, a US Justice Department investigation found strong indications of extortion, theft of public funds or other corrupt conduct. The amount Obiang’s eldest son – who serves as his agriculture and forestry minister – spent on luxury goods in 2004-2007 nearly doubles the government’s 2005 budget for education. Conclusion: In light of the serious issues at stake, UNESCO should come to the appropriate decision to cancel the UNESCO-Obiang prize without delay. If it fails to do so, it risks damaging its reputation and its ability to fulfill its important mission. The money provided for the prize by the Obiang Foundation should be reinvested in Equatorial Guinea’s education system, where rudimentary educational materials and infrastructure are still badly needed. It is also essential for UNESCO to undertake an investigation into the source of the funds to make sure that it has not accepted money tainted by corruption, which would further compromise UNESCO’s reputation.”[15]

The Huffington Post: “In this very disturbing context, Unesco’s members should not hesitate to cancel a prize that could tarnish the institution’s image for a long time. And they should tell Obiang that the best way to overhaul his image and earn the trust of the international community would be to stop trampling on the rights of the people of Equatorial Guinea.”[16]

Joel Simon – executive director of the Committee to Protect Journalists: “UNESCO, the U.N. agency charged with promoting education, science, and culture, also has a human rights and press freedom mandate. The Obiang prize represented an affront to everything UNESCO stands for. Human rights organizations, press freedom groups, scientists, journalists and prominent figures from all over the world, including past winners of UNESCO’s own Cano prize, spoke out against Obiang award. But getting UNESCO to reverse course and cancel it turned out to be an enormous challenge. As an organization composed of U.N. member states, UNESCO functions under arcane rules, essentially working by consensus. (…) we hope, UNESCO can get back to its more serious work, which includes promoting and defending press freedom around the world.”[17]

Global Witness: “UNESCO’s governing executive board should abolish a prize named after and funded by President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo of Equatorial Guinea at its upcoming meeting, seven civil society groups said today. (…) UNESCO has repeatedly postponed action on the prize in the face of global protest against President Obiang, who has presided over high levels of official corruption, repression and poverty in Equatorial Guinea. (…) President Obiang was willing to concede that the prize for research in the life sciences, created in 2008, would not bear his name. The civil society groups said UNESCO should firmly reject that proposal. The UNESCO-Obiang prize is irreversibly tainted by its association with the repression and high-level corruption of President Obiang’s government, said Archbishop Desmond Tutu, a Nobel Laureate who has repeatedly condemned the prize. Giving the prize a different name does nothing to answer these concerns or remove doubts about the origins of the funds that finance the award. Civil society groups and prominent individuals who have rallied against the UNESCO-Obiang prize emphasized that the global campaign to overturn the prize was about more than just its name. Past winners of the Cano World Press Freedom Prize, for example, came out against the UNESCO-Obiang prize, saying that President Obiang’s heavy-handed rule is inconsistent with UNESCO’s own work to advance freedom of expression. The government of Equatorial Guinea does not allow journalists from state-owned media to report on criticisms of President Obiang so many citizens have not have access to news about the concerns raised about the prize. (…) On February 14, French authorities began a second raid on the Obiang residence in Paris as part of their investigation into alleged embezzlement. During the raid, which ended on February 23, police reportedly seized at least two truckloads of high-priced antiquities and artwork purchased by Teodorín. According to press accounts, the items are believed to be worth at least 40 million Euros. In October, the US Department of Justice moved to seize more than $70 million in US assets belonging to Teodorín, alleging he purchased the items using money obtained from extortion and/or the misappropriation, theft, or embezzlement of public funds. (…)  President Obiang is trying to misuse UNESCO to improve his own image and to shield his son from legal troubles, said Tutu Alicante, an exile of Equatorial Guinea who leads the nongovernmental group EG Justice. UNESCO should revoke the Obiang prize and send a strong message that its name is not for sale. Hundreds of individuals and dozens of organizations, many of them from African countries, have opposed the controversial award and called for the $3 million endowment for the prize to be used instead to alleviate widespread poverty in oil-rich Equatorial Guinea.”[18]

BBC: “Human rights groups have denounced plans by a UN agency to award a science prize sponsored by Equatorial Guinea President Teodor Obiang Nguema. The groups said such move by the UN scientific and cultural agency (Unesco) would be irresponsible and shameful. (…) Mr Obiang is accused of rights abuses, rigging elections and corruption. (…) It is shameful and utterly irresponsible for Unesco to award this prize, given the litany of serious legal and ethical problems surrounding it, said Tutu Alicante, director of EG Justice – another signatory of the statement. Beyond letting itself be used to polish the sullied image of Obiang, Unesco also risks ruining its own credibility, he added. The award was first approved as the Unesco-Obiang prize by the UN agency in 2008, and oil-rich Equatorial Guinea was to finance it for five years. But Mr Obiang’s name was dropped in March following outrage by human rights groups and African intellectuals and writers. The award is now officially known as the Unesco-Equatorial Guinea International Prize for Research in the Life Sciences.”[19]

Committee to Protect Journalists: “A vote by a commission of UNESCO’s executive board to rename the discredited Obiang prize is a blow to the credibility of the organization (…). The purpose of this prize is to whitewash the image of one of Africa’s most repressive leaders, and no one is fooled by the name change, CPJ Africa Advocacy Coordinator Mohamed Keita said. The states who voted in favor have chosen to promote the image of Obiang rather than uphold basic standards of human rights. They should be ashamed.  CPJ has consistently voiced its opposition to the prize, saying that Equatorial Guinea’s record on human rights, including press freedom, makes it incompatible with UNESCO’s mission.”[20]

Morgan Huston and Arch Puddington (Freedom House): “The Unesco–Equatorial Guinea International Prize for Research in the Life Sciences was awarded for the first time. The award recognizes the achievements of scientific research that have contributed … to improving the quality of human life. Unfortunately, the man who proposed and funded this award, President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo of Equatorial Guinea, is among the most corrupt and repressive dictators in Africa, or indeed anywhere. In other words, he is a political leader who has devoted a long career to worsening the quality of life for the people of Equatorial Guinea.The country’s prodigious oil wealth is siphoned off by the leadership, leaving most citizens without reliable access to electricity, safe drinking water, education, or health care. (…) It has also been designated as one of the world’s most repressive regimes by Freedom House for many years. Its scores in the Freedom in the World report are only marginally better than those of Sudan, Uzbekistan, and North Korea. Arbitrary detention, torture, censorship of the media, rigged elections, and nepotism are defining features of Obiang’s regime. (…)  Given this dreadful and lengthy record of despotism and graft, the decision by Unesco’s governing board to extend its credibility to this award merits a special prize of its own, for hypocrisy in international affairs. For four years, the United States and other countries that serve on Unesco’s board had blocked the disbursement of funds for the Obiang award. (…) It was not simply the approval of an award for distinguished scientists, it was a way of giving the legitimacy of an agency ostensibly devoted to humanitarian ideals to a man whose principal achievement is a record of persecution and ruthlessness that is unique in today’s Africa.”[21]

Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa: “We understand that President Obiang has offered to remove his name from the prize, but that does not erase our serious concern that his US$3 million donation links him and the abuses of his government to UNESCO, thereby undercutting the organization’s worthy mission. We also are aware of concerns that the funds may be tainted by the high-level corruption for which Equatorial Guinea is well-known. It is public record that ongoing corruption investigations in France and the U.S. have led to the seizure of assets belonging to President Obiang’s son, Teodoro Nguema Obiang Mangue. Documents released as part of separate investigations by the U.S. Senate and the U.S. Department of Justice suggest a pattern of systematic corruption at the highest levels of President Obiang’s regime. (…) As an organization that advocates access to information and knowledge, UNESCO should not accept money from a leader whose decades-long record represents an affront to those principles. We urge to definitively abolish the UNESCO Obiang prize and implement new guidelines that will prevent in the future the creation of prizes that directly or indirectly, through their association with individuals or governments, contradict UNESCO’s core mandate.”[22]

Human Rights Watch: “UNESCO: Disappointing Vote on Obiang Prize. A Failure to Support Basic Human Rights and Good Governance. A split vote by UNESCO’s Executive Board to approve a prize sponsored by President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo of Equatorial Guinea puts the president’s interests above UNESCO’s basic principles of human rights and good governance, seven civil society groups said today. (…) said Tutu Alicante, an Equatoguinean lawyer who runs the human rights group EG Justice from exile: The UNESCO board members who backed this prize have sold out the organization’s principles and have tarnished UNESCO’s reputation. (…) Wenceslao Mansogo, an Equatoguinean doctor who is also a prominent human rights defender and opposition member, urged UNESCO delegates to abolish the prize in a letter written from his prison cell, where he has been unjustly detained since February 9 for politically motivated reasons. The government also ordered his clinic closed, highlighting the hypocrisy of a prize intended to improve the quality of human life. It remains unclear if Bokova will implement the renamed UNESCO-Equatorial Guinea prize, in light of the irregularities in the description of the award’s financing, which violate the organization’s own rules. (…) In a legal opinion issued on March 2, UNESCO’s legal adviser concluded that the original UNESCO-Obiang prize was no longer implementable due to a material discrepancy between its stated and actual funding source and that the same would apply to any renamed prize. Ongoing corruption investigations of members of the Obiang family in France, Spain, and the United States contribute to questions over the legitimacy of the prize’s funding. On March 5, Association Sherpa and Transparency International requested that French judges extend France’s corruption investigation to include the $3 million prize donation. (…) Even if some delegates disregard UNESCO’s rules and reputation, Director General Bokova has a responsibility to guard against financial improprieties and poor ethical practices by the organization, Alicante said. She should stand on principle and refuse to let UNESCO use funds of suspect origin to promote the image of President Obiang.”[23]

David Smith (The Guardian): “Unesco criticised over Equatorial Guinea-sponsored prize. The UN’s scientific and cultural body, Unesco, has been condemned as shameful and utterly irresponsible for awarding a prize sponsored by one of Africa’s most authoritarian rulers. Seven civil society groups, including Human Rights Watch, issued a joint statement criticising the UN body because of corruption allegations against Obiang and his family.”[24]

Tutu Alicante, director of the rights group EG Justice: “Unesco shouldn’t award the prize until it can state with absolute certainty that the prize money isn’t associated with corruption or money-laundering. To do so is reckless and irresponsible, and risks staining the organisation’s reputation. It is disappointing that at a time when we insist that nations abide by the rule of law, Unesco is blatantly disregarding its own legal counsel advice. It is disappointing that Unesco is so blind to the realities in Equatorial Guinea; and so willing to be used to launder the image of a tyrant.”

Homero Aridjis, Mexican former ambassador to Unesco: “It is shameful that Unesco is party to a prize given by Africa’s longest reigning dictator, who has pillaged his country’s wealth, keeping the majority of the population in dire poverty, and who has a long record of human rights abuse [and] repression of freedom of the press. (…) Unesco’s mission is to promote universal respect for human rights to justice and the fundamental liberties to which all humankind is entitled. Unesco’s prestige is sullied by its endorsement of a prize which bears the weight of suffering of Equatorial Guinea’s people, and which is tinged with their blood.”

Open Society Foundations: “Creating a UNESCO prize to recognize scientists for improving the quality of human life that is named for and funded by President Obiang discredits UNESCO and bolsters the reputation of a corrupt dictator. President Obiang’s record of serious human rights violations and corruption is antithetical to UNESCO’s mission and values, and inconsistent with the objective of the prize itself. Promotion of sustainable development encompassing observance of human rights, mutual respect, and the alleviation of poverty is supposed to be central to UNESCO’s efforts. Teodoro Obiang, however, has ruled Equatorial Guinea for more than 30 years by suppressing dissent and maintaining tight control over the country’s wealth. Thanks to his leadership, Equatorial Guinea’s people endure grinding poverty, while oil money flows into private bank accounts of Obiang family members and their affiliates. By honoring an oppressive regime, the prize undermines UNESCO’s important work on freedom of expression and the prestige of the Cano World Press Freedom Prize. (…) Furthermore, the propriety and legality of the money provided to fund the UNESCO-Obiang Prize is in question. President Obiang and his close associates are subjects of ongoing criminal proceedings related to alleged money laundering and corruption. An inquiry with UNESCO’s Internal Oversight Service Investigation Section has revealed that UNESCO currently has no process to screen funds to prevent money laundering, and may have accepted funds that are the proceeds of corrupt practices. (…) In October 2007, APDHE, the Open Society Justice Initiative, and EG Justice (a U.S.- based rights organization) filed a complaint alleging that the diversion of oil wealth from government coffers to private accounts—of which the Spanish and French cases illustrate one strand in a complex web of suspected corruption and laundering— violates Article 21 the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights by preventing the Equatoguinean people from freely disposing of their natural wealth.16 The complaint argues that the Equatoguinean government engages in corruption, undue control over the judiciary, and violent suppression of dissent to facilitate the spoliation of the country’s natural resources.”[25]

 

Evidence 5: DISCRIMINATION AGAINST THE JEWS

Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights: The French philosopher Simone de Beauvoir said that the UNESCO idea of re-divide Jerusalem would be unthinkable, stupid and discriminatory, confirming that the solution for the Mideast conflict is the unification of Jerusalem and not its re-division. Simone de Beauvoir said that UNESCO idea sought symbolically eradicate Israel.[26] She expressed her disgust for the contemptible decision of UNESCO to discriminate against Israel.[27]

UN Watch: “GENEVA, Oct. 13, 2016 — UN Watch condemned UNESCO’s historical revisionism after the agency’s 58-member Executive Board adopted an inflammatory and one-sided Palestinian-drafted resolutionsubmitted by the Islamic states, which erases Jewish and Christian ties to Jerusalem and casts doubt on the connection between Judaism and the ancient city’s Temple Mount and Western Wall. The vote was 24 in favor (including Iran and Sudan)”

Hillel Neuer, executive director of UN Watch: “Once again, the United Nations agency for education, science and culture is being hijacked by genocidal regimes and serial human rights abusers like Sudan, Iran, Algeria, Qatar, and Russia, (…) Founded in 1945 to combat the doctrine of the inequality of men and races, UNESCO today has sadly become a serial perpetrator of inequality, (ignoring Jewish and Christian religious and historical ties to Jerusalem) (…) One-sided and political measures only divert UNESCO from its obligations to help educate needy children in Africa, Asia, and elsewhere. UNESCO’s actions also send a message to bad actors in the Middle East, pouring fuel on the fires of incitement to terror that already poison educational curricula.”

Hillel Neuer, executive director of UN Watch: “(The UNESCO resolution’s likely adoption) dangerously risks fueling anti-Jewish incitement and violence, and legitimizing the escalating Palestinian denial of Jewish religious and cultural rights.”[28]

Giulio Meotti: “The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) adopted a decision calling on Israel to immediately cease all archaeological works in the Old City of Jerusalem. In particular, UNESCO, one of the UN’s most prominent and influential agencies, attacked the renovation of the Mughrabi Bridge that links the Western Wall plaza and Temple Mount. (…) Indeed, the vote is the latest anti-Jewish initiative launched by the UN office meant to promote culture, education and science around the world. (…) In 2009, UNESCO designated Jerusalem as capital of Arab culture, working with Palestinian Authority officials and key Arab figures to protest against what they described as the Israeli occupation of Holy Jerusalem. (…) The Arabs find it difficult to convincingly portray Israel as usurper of the land as long as the world believes there is a huge connection between the people of the Bible and the land of the Bible. UNESCO is denying this connection by depicting Jewish history in the Middle East as no more than an insignificant, brief sojourn by arrogant colonizers. UNESCO appears to deny that the Jewish people has laid its roots in Israel more than 4,000 years ago, or that 1,000 years before Christ, King David made Jerusalem the Jewish city par excellence, never entirely abandoned even in times of deadly persecution. The City of David in Jerusalem, a major target of UNESCO’s anti-Jewish fury, is now the hottest open archaeological site in the world, with biblical artifacts, ancient burial spots and royal seals. There, UNESCO is using archeology to bash Israel and treats Israeli archeologists as nationalistic martinets. In recent years, UNESCO increased its collaboration with ISESCO, the cultural body of the Organization of the Islamic Conference. According to ISESCO’s propaganda, the Biblical story and the Jewish temples are only fiction, Jewish monuments are Islamic treasures stolen by the Zionists, and Israeli archeological works are criminal acts against Muslims. UNESCO’s ideology portrays the Jews as no more than invading colonizers, while the Muslims who invaded the country and ravaged it in the Seventh Century are, by some inexplicable leap, the descendants of the so called indigenous Canaanites.  In 2010, UNESCO decided that Rachel’s Tomb and Hebron’s Cave of the Patriarchs are Muslim mosques. Western countries didn’t raise any protest. UNESCO never mentioned that in addition to the famous Tomb of the biblical Patriarchs, Hebron contains also the tomb of the first judge (Otniel Ben Kenaz), the tomb of generals and confidants to Saul and David and the tombs of Ruth and Jesse, David’s great-grandmother and father. There is also no word by UNESCO about the fact that Rachel’s tomb is unanimously revered as the burial site of one of the Bible’s great women, the wife of Jacob, the Jewish blessed mother.  During the Second Intifada, UNESCO condemned Israel for the destruction and damage caused to the cultural heritage in the Palestinian territories as a crime against the common cultural heritage of humanity. However, UNESCO remained silent when a Palestinian mob destroyed Joseph’s tomb, a major Jewish religious shrine, and built a mosque on the site. Upon the outbreak of the Second Intifada, Palestinian terrorists also attacked Rachel’s tomb, and for 41 days Jews were prevented from visiting the compound. UNESCO never condemned it. Recently, dozens of graves at the Mount of Olives cemetery in Jerusalem were vandalized, the latest in a series of attacks on Judaism’s oldest cemetery, where Jews have been buried since biblical times. Again, UNESCO remained silent. UNESCO also boasts a long list of decisions to boycott and isolate the Jewish State. On November 7, 1974, UNESCO voted to withhold assistance from Israel in the fields of education, science and culture because of Israel’s persistent alteration of the historic features of Jerusalem. On November 20, 1974 UNESCO voted also to exclude Israel from its European regional group. This anti-Jewish ostracism was not abandoned until 1978, after the United States withheld $40 million in payments from the organization in protest. UNESCO’s war on Israel and the West continued and was so blatant that in 1984 the US, UK and others Western countries left the organization. In 1989 UNESCO made the claim that Israel’s occupation of Jerusalem was destroying the holy city by acts of interference, destruction and transformation (then-mayor of Jerusalem, Teddy Kollek, expressed deep disgust at UNESCO’s attitude.) In 1990, UNESCO attacked what it described as the irreversible changes to Jerusalem’s architectural heritage resulting from Israeli occupation. (…)  In 1996, UNESCO organized a symposium on Jerusalem at the body’s Paris headquarters. But no Jewish or Israeli groups were invited. When in 1998 a UNESCO delegation visited Jerusalem, it refused to meet with Israeli officials. In the past, UNESCO also has called for financial sanctions against Israel and passed hundreds of resolutions criticizing Israel’s activities in Judea and Samaria. In 2001, UNESCO promoted the Cairo Declaration Document for Jerusalem Antiquities Preservation, which falsely accused Israel of destroying Islamic antiquities on the Temple Mount and in Jerusalem’s Old City in an attempt to divert attention from Palestinian crimes against archeology and history. When the United Nations celebrated its 50th anniversary, UNESCO refused to mention the Shoah in its World War II resolution, intentionally ignoring Israel’s request to include a reference to the destruction of European Jewry. On a final note, a recent UNESCO report on science, Jewish physician and theologian Maimonides is classified as a Muslim named Moussa ben Maimoun. So the Rambam – for Rabbi Moshe Ben Maimon – has been forced to convert to Islam by the UN’s revisionist historians. During the Middle Ages, the French Inquisition confiscated and burned Maimonides’s books. From the elegant Parisian boulevards, UNESCO’s inquisitors are now following the same dreadful solution of rendering history and the Holy Land Judenrein.”[29]

World Union of Jewish Students (WUJS): “The World Union of Jewish Students (WUJS) denounced the cancellation by the UN cultural body UNESCO of an exhibit on The People, The Book, the Land: The 3,500-year relationship between the Jewish people and the land of Israel that was scheduled to open next week in Paris. UNESCO director-general Irina Bokova told the Simon Wiesethal Centre, which organized the display, that the decision arose out of UNESCO’s support for peace talks between Israel and the Palestinian Authority. She said: We have a responsibility in ensuring that current efforts in this regard are not endangered. WUJS, which holds Consultative Status in UNESCO condemns the cancellation of the event. Chaya Pomeranz WUJS Chairperson and Andi Gergely Incoming WUJS Chairperson stated: The event was meant to be a cultural event aimed at exhibiting historical evidence of the Jewish People’s connection to the Holy Land. The cancellation of the exhibit demonstrates UNESCO’s willingness to sacrifice education and cultural exchange to pursue a biased political agenda, which does disservice to the peace process. At WUJS we encourage our students to engage in the exchange of ideas and culture. It is only by educating others and ourselves about each other’s pasts, ideals, and identity that we pave the path towards acceptance and eventual peaceSacha Reingewirtz, President of the Union of French Jewish Students (UEJF) and Executive Board member of WUJS : Building a fair and sustainable peace in the Middle-East goes through mutual understanding, cultural exchanges and education. By deciding to cancel this historical exhibition at the last minute, UNESCO is betraying its mission to take advantage of culture and science in order to build peace in the minds of people.[30]

Melanie Lidman (The Jerusalem Post): “The Chief Rabbi of the Western Wall strongly criticized the decisions adopted by the UNESCO Executive Board two weeks ago regarding holy sites in Israel. This decision is contrary to history and the truth, and political considerations are behind it, Rabbi Shmuel Rabinowitz said in a statement. He noted that the portion of the Torah that mentions Abraham’s purchase of the Cave of the Patriarchs was read across the world this past Shabbat, providing written proof that the area belongs to the Jewish nation. We have to condemn this organization, which is always acting against Israel, and to protest against their one-sided decisions which are undertaken without learning the history or understanding them, Rabinowitz continued. The civilized world which knows the history should join us in our struggle to demand a change in the decision. On October 21, the UNESCO Executive Board approved five decisions about holy sites in Israel and the Palestinian Territories, including a strong denunciation of the Gaza blockade, the security barrier, and any unilateral action by Israel at Rachel’s Tomb and the Cave of the Patriarchs. UNESCO also expressed deep concern about Israeli excavations in the Old City, especially in the area of the Al Aqsa mosque and the Mugrahbi bridge.[31]

 

Evidence 6: UNESCO PEACE PRIZE TO JIMMY CARTER

Timothy Alexander Guzman: “The Félix Houphouët-Boigny Peace Prize in 1994 and the Nobel Prize in 2002 were both awarded to former US President Jimmy Carter.  Carter supported the dictatorship of the Shah of Iran and The Somoza dictatorship of Nicaragua.  He also supported Indonesia’s Suharto militarily and diplomatically during the invasion and occupation of East Timor.  Under President Carter, US Military Aid to Suharto’s Military increased under Carter causing the deaths of over 200, 000 East Timorese.  UNESCO’s Félix Houphouët-Boigny Peace Prize and the Nobel Peace Prize are in fact an insult to World Peace.  UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) and the Nobel Peace Prize have both proved that Western political influence dominate both prizes.”[32]

 

Evidence 7: UNESCO PEACE PRIZE TO THE ASSOCIATION GRANDMOTHERS OF PLAZA DE MAYO

Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights: The Association Grandmothers of Plaza de Mayo has the purpose of recovering grandchildren who have been appropriated or kidnapped by the last military dictatorship. This purpose is very noble. However, in the search of economic funds to carry out their projects, the Association has ethically and politically endorsed to the most corrupt governments of Argentine history. These corrupt governments were leaded by Nestor Kirchner and Cristina Fernandez, who has been sentenced by the Buddhist Tribunal for having perpetrated systemic human rights violations in Argentina. All this crimes were supported and endorsed by the Association Grandmothers of Plaza de Mayo. This Association has even made for several years false accusations against the owners of the country’s most important newspaper (Clarin), to whom the Association accused of being kidnappers of babies. However, the UNESCO has delivered the Félix Houphouët-Boigny Peace Prize to The Association Grandmothers of Plaza de Mayo.

 

Evidence 8: UNESCO PEACE PRIZE TO President Abdoulaye Wade

Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights: The Senegal President Abdoulaye Wade has received the Félix Houphouët-Boigny Peace Prize awarded by the UNESCO. However, he has violated Human Rights at international level.

Human Rights Watch: “On May 30, 2011, a Senegalese delegation unexpectedly and without explanation withdrew from discussions in Dakar with the African Union (AU) on the rules for a special jurisdiction to try Habré, who is accused of thousands of killings and systematic torture in Chad from 1982 to 1990. That jurisdiction was mandated by a ruling of the Court of Justice of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). The delegation’s withdrawal follows more than a decade of stalling tactics by the government of President Abdoulaye Wade. In 2000, a senior Senegalese judge indicted Habré but, after political interference by Wade, denounced by the United Nations, Senegalese courts said they had no jurisdiction to try the case. The victims turned to Belgium, and a Belgian judge, after a four-year investigation, indicted Habré in 2005. But Senegal refused to extradite him. In 2006, Wade accepted an AU mandate to try Habré in the name of Africa but then spent four years wrangling over a trial budget before a November 2010 donors’ meeting pledged US$ 11.7 million to provide the full trial costs. Since January, Senegal has rebuffed successive AU plans to establish the ECOWAS-mandated special jurisdiction. Habré ruled Chad from 1982 until 1990, when he was deposed by President Idriss Déby Itno and fled to Senegal. His one-party rule was marked by widespread atrocities, including waves of ethnic campaigns. Files of Habré’s political police reveal the names of 1,208 people who were killed or died in detention. A total of 12,321 victims of human rights violations were mentioned in the files. A Chadian Truth Commission also found that Habré had virtually emptied out the Chadian treasury before his flight to Senegal. The groups – the Chadian Association for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights (ATPDH), the Association of Victims of Hissène Habré (AVCRHH), the African Assembly for the Defense of Human Rights (RADDHO), the Senegalese League for Human Rights, Human Rights Watch, Agir Ensemble pour les droits de l’homme, and the International Federation of Human Rights (FIDH) – noted that Senegal had a legal obligation under the UN Convention against Torture to prosecute or extradite Habré. In 2006, the UN Committee against Torture condemned Senegal for violating its obligation and called on Senegal to bring Habré to justice. In 2009, Belgium filed a lawsuit against Senegal at the International Court of Justice in The Hague to force Senegal either to prosecute Habré itself or to extradite him to Belgium. A ruling in that case is not expected until 2012. With this latest unexpected and shameful maneuver, President Wade has finally dropped his mask, said Alioune Tine of the Dakar-based RADDHO. Today, the last chance to obtain justice for the mass crimes of which Habré is accused is his extradition to Belgium. That is the legacy of Abdoulaye Wade, who calls himself a ‘pan-African‘.”[33]

Human Rights Watch: The United Nations Committee against Torture has called on Senegal to comply with its “obligation to prosecute or extradite Chad’s exiled former dictator, Hissène Habré, Human Rights Watch said today. The Committee’s action came in response to a statement by President Abdoulaye Wade of Senegal that he had had enough of the Habré case and was “going to get rid of him. The UN has stood up for Habre’s thousands of victims who have been seeking justice from Senegal for 20 years, said Reed Brody, counsel with Human Rights Watch, who represents the victims before the UN Committee against Torture. President Wade can’t simply ‘get rid’ of the case; he has a legal obligation to ensure that Habré faces justice. The United Nations Committee against Torture consists of 10 experts elected by the 147 states that have ratified the UN Convention against Torture. In 2006, the committee found Senegal in breach of its legal duty to bring Habré to justice. In a letter to Senegal dated January 12, the committee’s rapporteur, Fernando Mariño, recalled that decision and said that if Senegal was not going to prosecute Habré, it must, under the convention, extradite him to Belgium or another country which will prosecute him. (…) President Wade then appeared to backtrack yet again. On December 10, he announced that, The African Union must take its case back….. Otherwise I will send Hissène Habré elsewhere. …I’ve had enough of it at this point. ….I am going to get rid of him, full stop. (…) On January 13, however, President Wade told the Council of Ministers that he was returning the Habré case to the African Union. In the letter, the UN rapporteur said that, finally, financing is today at [Senegal’s] disposition, thanks to the raising of funds from many sources, and that, the Committee wishes therefore to remind [Senegal] of its obligation under the Convention against Torture, to submit the case to its competent authorities for the purpose of prosecution or failing that, since Belgium has made an extradition request, to comply with that request or another extradition request made pursuant to the convention. (…) In July 2010, Archbishop Desmond Tutu and 117 groups from 25 African countries denounced the interminable political and legal soap opera to which the victims had been subjected over 20 years. If President Wade has ‘had enough,’ how does he think that we feel? said Souleymane Guengueng, who was mistreated during 27 months in Habré’s prisons and who founded an association of victims to seek justice.  We’ve had enough. We want justice now! It was Guengueng’s complaint that led to the committee’s ruling against Senegal in 2006.”[34]

Human Rights Watch: “The Nobel Peace Prize winners Bishop Desmond Tutu and Shirin Ebadi, as well as 117 African human rights groups from 25 countries, called today for the government of Senegal and the African Union to move forward with the trial of  Hissène Habré.  The exiled former dictator of Chad is accused of thousands of political killings and systematic torture. (…) The victims of Mr. Habré’s regime have been working tirelessly for 20 years to bring him to justice, and many of the survivors have already died, says a petition to Senegal and the AU signed by the groups, the Nobel winners, and other prominent figures. Instead of justice, the victims have been treated to an interminable political and legal soap opera. (…) Among the signatories of the petition are Richard Goldstone of South Africa, the first prosecutor of the UN war crimes tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and for Rwanda and head of the Gaza fact-finding commission, as well as the leading human rights organizations in Chad and Senegal, the Foundation for Human Rights of South Africa, the Egyptian Organization for Human Rights, the Kenya Human Rights Commission, and the Association Africaine pour la Défense des Droits de l’Homme (DRC).”[35]

Human Rights Watch:  “While Senegal has avoided the coups and large-scale human rights abuses experienced by many of its neighbors, the country still faces challenges in promoting justice and accountability and in protecting vulnerable or persecuted populations. Human Rights Watch’s letter focuses on three issues: the need for Senegal to stop delaying or obstructing efforts to bring Hissène Habré to trial for atrocities committed under his rule in Chad, the widespread exploitation of at least 50,000 young boys through forced begging, and the protection of the rights of people who identify as gay or lesbian. (…) In an April 2010 report, Human Rights Watch documented how at least 50,000 talibés, or Quranic students – the vast majority under age 12 and many as young as 4 – are forced to beg on Senegal’s streets for long hours, seven days a week, by a marabout, or teacher, who often serves as a de facto guardian. The report documented widespread physical abuse, including severe beatings and several cases in which children were chained, bound, and forced into stress positions for failing to hand over a required daily amount from their begging or for trying to run away. In many of the exploitative daaras, or Quranic schools, Human Rights Watch found that the marabout used little of the money forthe boys’ basic needs. They often were forced to beg for their own food and medical care as well, or, all too often, go without. Islamic scholars in Senegal say that this practicof forced begging overseen by a minority of marabouts today is far removed from the country’s traditional practice of Quranic education. Senegal has the laws necessary to protect the talibés from exploitation, but the previous government lacked the will to enforce them, Human Rights Watch said. In September 2010, nine marabouts were convicted for forcing children in their care to beg, under a 2005 law that specifically forbids the practice. However, one month later, President Wade expressed dissatisfaction with the application of the law, effectively ending arrests and prosecutions. In all but a few cases, severe physical abuse of the talibés has gone similarly unpunished. (…) Human Rights Watch’s 2010 report, Fear for Life: Violence against Gay Men and Men Perceived as Gay in Senegal, found systematic human rights abuses against gay men, including torture and ill-treatment at the hands of the Senegalese police, arbitrary arrest, and discrimination in access to justice. Abuses against lesbians and other sexual minorities have been less thoroughly documented, but all lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people suffer discrimination in Senegal. Senegalese authorities have also failed to discourage or punish incitement to violence against gays and lesbians, including public remarks made by religious leaders and politicians who have called for the killing of homosexuals. The Senegalese government, Human Rights Watch said, has an obligation to protect the basic rights of all citizens, including LGBT people. The new government should immediately put a halt to police violence against and arbitrary arrests of LGBT people. It should ensure that those who incite or participate in violence against gays, or any other community, are held accountable.”[36]

Amnesty International: “In the run-up to the February 2012 presidential election, Senegal is faced with a double challenge regarding the respect of human rights. The country must first manage to organize an election without human rights violations in what is an extremely tense context wherein a large part of the opposition contests the right of the current president, Abdoulaye Wade, to run for a third presidential term. Additionally, once the presidential election is over, the new elected authorities must, as a matter of urgency, address the impunity that the perpetrators of human rights violations enjoy and which continues to undermine the credibility of the judiciary and the rule of law in general. The Senegalese presidential electoral campaign will face the first moment of truth on 27 January 2012 when the Constitutional Council rules upon the validity of the candidacies for the presidential election, including the highly disputed candidacy of President Wade. In an atmosphere where some activists of political parties openly carry weapons and are determined to battle it out with their opponents, many fear the violence which may occur in the event that the outgoing president’s candidacy is validated. In this tense context where all lawful political debate should be held freely, the authorities’ decision to prohibit all public gatherings from 26 January to 30 January 2012 is all the more worrying. There is no apparent justification for this ban which undermines the right to demonstrate peacefully as enshrined in article 8 of the Senegalese Constitution. In addition to this presidential election which could lead to political violence, Senegal is also facing a sudden deterioration of the situation in Casamance. This region in the south of the country has been dealing with sporadic armed conflict for thirty years between Senegalese soldiers and an armed opposition group who wants independence for this region. (…) Over the last three years a number of journalists and political opponents have been subject to legal proceedings – several of whom have been convicted – for their political opinions. The harassment of, and threats made against, persons expressing a political opinion different to that of the ruling group constitutes a violation of their right to freedom of expression protected by article 10 of the Senegalese Constitution. Malick Noël Seck, secretary general of a movement affiliated with the Socialist Party was sentenced on 20 October 2011 to two years in prison for death threats and contempt of court after he deposited a letter addressed to the Constitutional Council asking members of this body not to accept the candidacy of President Wade for a third term. His sentence was reduced after a court appeal to 4 months in prison and he was pardoned by President Wade shortly after. Amnesty International called publicly for the release of Malick Noël Seck who was convicted for expressing his political opinion.1 Amnesty considers that neither the act of handing in this letter nor its contents justify being tried for such offenses. The letter given to the Constitutional Council did not contain death threats addressed to this body. Moreover, this text cannot constitute an act in contempt of court given that the members of the Constitutional Council are not, under Senegalese law, judicial or administrative magistrates. On 23 June 2011, Alioune Tine, president of the Rencontre Africaine pour la Défense des Droits de l’Homme (Raddho, African Assembly for the Defence of Human Rights) was attacked by men carrying rocks and sticks during a demonstration against the constitutional reform allowing for the possibility of a candidate to win the first round of the presidential election with only 25% of the votes. Alioune Tine was badly hurt and spent three days in hospital. Another Raddho member, Oumar Diallo, was also injured. In July 2011, Raddho’s lawyers lodged a complaint with the public prosecutor providing testimonies and images recorded during the attacks on Alioune Tine and Oumar Diallo. These images reportedly show the faces of the attackers, some of whom were wearing t-shirts of a young leader of the Parti Démocratique Sénégalais (PDS, Senegalese Democratic Party) the ruling political party. At the time of writing this document, no progress had been made in this investigation. (…) Several demonstrations were also violently repressed. Thus, in May 2011, gendarmes (paramilitary police forces) fired live bullets on demonstrators protesting against new local officials taking office after a new administrative system was put in place in the Sangalkam locality, near Dakar. A young man, Malick Bâ, was shot dead. An investigation was opened but those responsible for these acts have not yet been brought to justice. The right to demonstrate peacefully was further undermined on 23 January 2012 when the Minister of the Interior passed an order temporarily prohibiting public demonstrations. In a press release published the following day, The Minister of the Interior justified this ban by the fact that, the objective of such a decision is to avoid any pressure, in one direction or another, upon this High Institution [the Constitutional Council] and to allow this body to fulfil its duties in peace and calm. Whilst acknowledging that it is the responsibility of the security forces to keep control should there be any disturbances to public order, Amnesty International is worried that this ban undermines a fundamental freedom protected by the Constitution. (…) Despite solemn commitments made by the Senegalese authorities, security forces continue to use, in almost total impunity, torture and other ill-treatment to extract confessions during the first hours or days of detention. This practice has been publicly denounced many times by national and international human rights organisations, including Amnesty International, as well as by several United Nations bodies. Yet, the authorities have not really demonstrated their willingness to put an end to the impunity enjoyed by the perpetrators of such acts. The Senegalese authorities consistently ensured impunity for members of the security forces allegedly involved in acts of torture or deaths in detention. They have often refused to investigate into these cases. Sometimes, however, often under pressure from lawyers, the press or human rights non-governmental organizations (NGOs), the authorities have finally agreed to investigate serious allegations of torture that led to the death of common law detainees. However, to Amnesty International’s knowledge, hardly any of these investigations have brought the alleged perpetrators of these acts to justice or set sentences proportional to the gravity of their acts. The police force and gendarmerie have claimed that some deaths in custody were suicides, despite overwhelming evidence of torture and other ill-treatment. Other investigations have never been completed, thus depriving the families of access to justice and redress. Even when judges summon members of the security forces to account for human rights violations, they encounter a major obstacle. They must first obtain a prosecution order (ordre de poursuites) from the Ministry responsible for the state officials in question (the Ministry of the Interior in the case of police officers and the Ministry of Defence in the case of gendarmes and military personnel). This procedure, set out in article 60 of the Code of Military Justice, grants a de facto power of veto to the executive with regard to any judicial proceedings against members of the security forces. In practice, the issue of prosecution orders is refused or delayed by officials higher up the chain of command who are responsible of the security force officers implicated in human rights violations, which leaves the judiciary helpless and deprives the victims and their families of any hope of redress. Moreover, in the rare cases in which members of the security forces are challenged about acts of torture, these agents are not usually suspended during the duration of the investigation but simply redeployed elsewhere, which is contrary to the recommendations made many times in different contexts by the United Nations Committee Against Torture (CAT). The climate of impunity in Senegal is particularly apparent in the manner in which the judiciary has treated some serious allegations of torture. Thus, in the course of the last five years, at least seven people arrested for common law offenses have died in detention, apparently as a result of torture. During only the last 18 months, Amnesty International was able to investigate the cases of six people who were victims of torture after having been arrested by law enforcement officers. The body of one of these persons was found naked, handcuffed and showing marks of torture. In some cases, investigations were opened following complaints filed by relatives or after these deaths had been denounced by human rights organisations. But to the knowledge of the victims’ parents and Amnesty International, in at least 8 out of 9 cases, the investigation did not result in those police officers or gendarmes allegedly responsible for acts of torture being brought to justice. Furthermore, no moral or financial redress was awarded to the victims of these acts or their relatives. In a report published on 15 September 20103, Amnesty International notably reported five cases of death in detention, apparently the result of torture. The same day, the Senegalese authorities published a written response providing information on the status of the investigations of these cases in particular. Two and a half years later, it must be noted that only one case has been brought to trial and that the members of security forces convicted were given very short or suspended sentences, failing to recognize that torture or ill-treatment took place. In the four other cases, the investigation is still officially in process and no compensation has been awarded to the victims of these acts or to their families. (…) The impunity enjoyed by the perpetrators of acts of torture and other serious human rights violations is deep-rooted in Senegal as public prosecutors have constantly refused to investigate allegations of torture in police custody or provisional detention, made by victims or their lawyers during trials. An even more serious issue is that judges often rely on confessions extracted under torture to convict defendants, in violation of one of the basic provisions of the United Nations Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (Convention against Torture), ratified by Senegal in 1986. For example, this occurred in three trials in 2009 and 2010, during which men alleged to be homosexuals, others arrested in the region of Kédougou (approximately 700 km to the southeast of Dakar) and others arrested in the region of Vélingara (670 km to the south of Dakar), were sentenced to long prison terms on the basis of confessions extracted under torture. The use of confessions extracted under torture to convict the accused violates one of the essential provisions of the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, ratified by Senegal in 1986. Article 15 of the Convention states that: Each State Party shall ensure that any statement which is established to have been made as a result of torture shall not be invoked as evidence in any proceedings, except against a person accused of torture as evidence that the statement was made. (…) An amnesty law which denies the suffering and the rights of the victims of the conflict. The two agreements signed between the Senegalese government and the MFDC were accompanied by a law of amnesty promulgated by the Senegalese president Abdoulaye Wade in July 2004. This law provided an amnesty for all offences committed during the internal conflict in Casamance since 1991, whether the perpetrators have been definitively judged or not. By declaring an amnesty before taking any legal proceedings against the soldiers of government forces and armed members of the MFDC responsible for serious human rights violations and abuses, President Abdoulaye Wade deprived hundreds of the victims of this terrible conflict and their families from their right to justice and redress. The impunity that marked the countless atrocities committed by both parties to the conflict was therefore enshrined in law, denying the suffering of the victims and their families and leaving them in a state of total abandonment. The suffering continues to haunt the families of the dozens of disappeared Casamance people arrested by government forces during the conflict. Although the uncertainty concerning the fate of the disappeared has given way to resignation as time has passed, many are still unable to grieve for their families as the bodies of the deceased has not been returned. The amnesty promulgated by the Senegalese Head of State also deprived of any hope of justice and redress the many victims of human rights abuses committed by the MDFC. Throughout the conflict, armed elements of the MFDC were responsible for the deliberate and arbitrary abduction and homicide of civilians suspected of collaborating with the Senegalese authorities. They also committed acts of torture and rape in order to force communities off land considered by the armed opposition movement to be its private property. Causing such suffering to the families of disappeared people (an inevitable and sometimes deliberate result of forced disappearances) also constitutes a violation of human rights. On several occasions, international human rights treaty bodies, including the United Nations Human Rights Committee, have stated that the willingness of the authorities to let months and even years go by without granting the families of the disappeared the right to know what happened to their families is a violation of the prohibition of torture and other ill-treatment. The continuing silence regarding the fate of the disappeared continues to have serious economic and psychological consequences for their families. The wives of the disappeared are faced with economic difficulties that many of them have never really been able to overcome and children have grown up without knowing why their father was not at home. To Amnesty International’s knowledge, no family, or almost no family of the disappeared has received either compensation or material or psychological support. (…) Senegalese human rights record leaves a lot to be desired. Many official Senegalese texts state that: Senegal is a State of law where the Constitution guarantees that all citizens are equal before the law. However, the cases described in this report indicate that, on the contrary, members of the security forces who commit human rights violations enjoy de jure or de facto impunity that protects them from being brought to justice. This impunity, consistently denounced by United Nations treaty bodies and many national and international human rights NGOs, undermines the foundations of the rule of law in Senegal. Once the elections are over, it will be incumbent on the Senegalese authorities to immediately combat this culture of impunity. They must respond to the anguish of the victims of human rights violations and the families who are still waiting for justice and reparation. It is a question of restoring the confidence of all Senegalese people in their security forces and judiciary, so that Senegal ceases to be a land of impunity and becomes a land of justice where the rule of law is truly observed.”

 

Evidence 9: UNESCO PEACE PRIZE TO PRESIDENT FRANCOIS HOLLANDE

Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights: The France President Francois Hollande has received the Félix Houphouët-Boigny Peace Prize awarded by the UNESCO. However, this Peace Prize by UNESCO was awarded for a military intervention in Mali, which caused the deaths of human beings. Since war and militarization is against the ideals and principles of UNESCO Constitution, this Peace Prize provided by the UNESCO Director-General Bokova is an international law violation. Moreover, since France has performed some human rights violations, this Peace Prize is void.

BBC: “France’s president has received a major prize from the United Nations’ cultural organisation for his decision to send troops to Mali in January. Francois Hollande was awarded the annual Felix Houphouet-Boigny Peace Prize by Unesco at a ceremony in Paris. The president of the jury praised Mr Hollande for the “solidarity shown by France to the peoples of Africa”. The decision was criticised by some human rights groups, who noted the continuing unrest in Mali. Earlier, the Malian army said its soldiers had clashed with Tuareg separatists near the northern town of Kidal, killing several rebels. (…) Mireille Fanon-Mendes-France, president of human rights organisation Fondation Frantz Fanon, told the BBC that the decision to award Mr Hollande the Houphouet-Boigny prize was “cynical”, pointing to unresolved issues in Mali. The choice of recipient was perceived by some to be both cultural and political, reports the BBC’s Catherine Zemmouri in Paris.”

Human Rights Watch: “The last comprehensive study on mental health in French prisons, published in 2004, found that almost a quarter of inmates had psychosis: 8 percent of men and 15 percent of women had schizophrenia – much higher than the 0.9 percent among of France’s general population. Estimates by people interviewed for this report by Human Rights Watch in 2015 – prison directors, psychiatrists, the inspector of prisons, government officials and prisoners themselves – suggest the proportion of prisoners with psychosocial disabilities in prison remains high. (…)France has ratified several international human rights treaties that provide certain guarantees to those deprived of their liberty and impose clear obligations on France to uphold prisoners’ rights. France has a duty to protect prisoners’ rights to the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health and respect their right to physical and mental integrity (protected for example under article 12 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) and article 8 of the ECHR respectively). Furthermore, Article 25 of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD), requires France provide persons with disabilities with the highest attainable standard of health without discrimination on the basis of their disability. And yet, in 2015, Human Rights Watch spoke with men and women who, in addition to the hardships of life in prison, endure additional suffering due to psychosocial disabilities. Such additional suffering documented by Human Rights Watch included being stigmatized by other prisoners, anxiety due to being locked in their cells all night and sometimes all day, and lack of adequate mental health care. Human Rights Watch spoke with four men and women whose arms were scarred from slashes they inflicted on themselves. Two of them and two other prisoners said they had attempted to take their own lives. (…)They are often placed in isolation not because of their medical needs or behavior, but because they are prisoners and psychiatric hospitals lack secure wings that would allow them to be treated in a less harsh setting. Such isolation can constitute cruel or inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, as confirmed by the UN expert on torture. (…)The detention of people with psychosocial disabilities in conditions that fail to accommodate their disability and have a disproportionately negative impact on their mental health breaches the state’s obligations to respect their right to be treated with humanity and dignity, their right to the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health, and their right to physical and mental integrity. By failing to equip prisons with adequate resources in mental health staff, France is failing to provide inmates with psychosocial disabilities with the mental health care they are entitled to under French and international law. (…)France should also remove the numerous ways in which, at present, women prisoners are discriminated against through less freedom of movement, less access to activities and less access to mental health care than male prisoners – all of which have a detrimental effect on women’s health and rehabilitation. France should also make use of the new provisions in French law that allow people to be released if their detention is incompatible with their health and ensure that they have access to mental health care in the community on the basis of free and informed consent and without being discriminated against because of their criminal record.”

Amnesty International: “In response to several violent attacks, the state of emergency was extended four times during the year; emergency measures restricted human rights disproportionately. (…) On 10 June, the UN Committee against Torture raised concerns regarding allegations of excessive use of force by police in the context of administrative searches conducted using the emergency powers, and called for investigations into those allegations. (…) On 24 October the authorities began the eviction of more than 6,500 migrants and asylum-seekers living in the informal settlement known as The Jungle in Calais, a process that took several days. Migrants and asylum-seekers were relocated in reception centres throughout France where they were given information regarding asylum procedures. The authorities failed to genuinely consult migrants and asylum-seekers or provide them with adequate information prior to the eviction. Civil society organizations raised concerns regarding the process for the approximately 1,600 unaccompanied minors in the camp. Their situation was to be assessed jointly by French and UK authorities in view of their best interests and/or possible transfer to the UK to be reunited with their family. The authorities did not have the capacity to register all of the minors, and some were allegedly turned away on the grounds of presumed age without undergoing a thorough assessment. On 2 November the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child raised concerns over minors in Calais who were left without adequate shelter, food and medical services during the eviction operation. As of mid-November, about 330 minors had been transferred to the UK. Due to the lack of reception capacity and resources to register asylum applications in the Paris region, more than 3,800 asylum-seekers lived in degrading conditions and slept rough for months in the 19th district of Paris until the authorities transferred them to reception centres on 3 November. (…) Since the fourth renewal of the state of emergency in July, the authorities were expressly permitted to ban public demonstrations by claiming that they were unable to ensure public order. Dozens of demonstrations were banned and hundreds of individuals were subjected to administrative measures, restricting their freedom of movement and preventing them from attending demonstrations. On several occasions, police used excessive force against protesters, including by using tear gas grenades, charging at them violently and using rubber bullets and sting ball grenades that left hundreds injured. (…) In June a Palestinian family lodged a complaint against French company Exxelia Technologies for complicity in manslaughter and war crimes in Gaza. In 2014, three of the family’s sons were killed by a missile fired at their house in Gaza City by Israeli forces. According to subsequent investigations, a component of the missile had been manufactured by Exxelia Technologies. France remained the fourth largest arms exporter in the world, selling to countries including Saudi Arabia and Egypt.”[37]

Human Rights Watch: “A counterterrorism bill before the French parliament would provide overly broad and vague powers that would breach rights to free movement and expression, (…) The bill would introduce new measures such as barring anyone from leaving France who the authorities suspect would participate in terrorist activities or threaten national security on their return. The bill would also criminalize searching, obtaining or making material that could be used in an individual terrorist undertaking (…) The French government already has very broad powers to combat terrorism, said Izza Leghtas, Western Europe researcher at Human Rights Watch. To prevent injustice, French parliamentarians should reject new measures that would expand those powers even further. These measures raise serious concerns because they significantly expand the government’s counterterrorism powers but are subject to vague and broad standards of evidence and insufficient due process safeguards, Human Rights Watch said. The result would be restrictions on fundamental rights to an extent wholly unnecessary and disproportionate to the purported aim of the measures. The bill would allow the government to ban French nationals from leaving the country on very broad grounds that could breach their right to free movement under international human rights law.  (…) Once a decision is made, the person’s passport would be withdrawn and the person would be prevented from leaving the country. (…) Under article 12 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which France is a party, everyone has a right to leave any country, including their own. (…) By enabling the government to bar people from leaving France on such broadly and vaguely worded grounds, the bill does not meet the requirements of proportionality under article 12 of the ICCPR. (…) The human rights commission noted that the bill would criminalize the preparation of the preparation of the offense. The lack of clarity could lead to someone facing criminal charges for conduct the person could not know was unlawful. Such a provision would breach the principle of legality and the presumption of innocence under French and international law. Human Rights Watch research has found that the existing criminal offense in France of criminal association in relation to a terrorist undertaking, based on a broad definition that allows the authorities to intervene long before any offense has been committed, has already led to people being charged and convicted on the basis of weak and circumstantial evidence. There is a real risk that the offense of individual terrorist undertaking under the new bill would lead to similar abuses. (…) The bill would make France’s counterterrorism procedure, which the human rights commission has described as particularly in breach of fundamental rights and freedoms, applicable to those offenses. (…) The French government has a duty to keep people safe, but it also has a duty to protect human rights, Leghtas said. It should give parliament time to make sure the necessary safeguards are in place, rather than push this legislation through an accelerated procedure that doesn’t allow enough time for a genuine debate.”[38]

Human Rights Watch:Though the goal of the bill is to place France’s surveillance practices under the rule of law, it in fact uses law to clothe a naked expansion of surveillance powers, said Dinah PoKempner, Human Rights Watch general counsel. France can do much better than this, especially if it wants to distance itself from the overreaching and secretive mass surveillance practices of the US and the UK that have attracted so many legal challenges.  Unlike the protection of national security and public safety, these interests are not recognized in international human rights law as grounds for interference with basic rights and could be expansively interpreted to justify a huge range of data monitoring. The example of US law shows how easily vague standards can wind up justifying mass surveillance, PoKempner said. The draft’s sweeping mandate plainly contradicts France’s obligations under international human rights law and could be used to legalize a surveillance state. (…) The public will remain in the dark as to how many people were actually monitored, what targets or types of targets were approved, on what grounds, when or how surveillance was conducted, what material was collected and retained, or how many times the emergency bypass was used, Human Rights Watch said.”[39]

Human Rights Watch: “Human Rights Watch welcomes the upcoming review of France by the Human Rights Committee. This briefing provides an overview of our main concerns with regard to France’s compliance with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). (…) Abuses by law enforcement officials against migrants and asylum-seekers (article 7, paragraph 8 in the list of issues). In November and December 2014, Human Rights Watch documented abuses by French police against migrants and asylum-seekers in the port city of Calais, in breach of the prohibition of torture or other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment under article 7.The abuses described to Human Rights Watch included beatings and attacks with pepper spray as migrants and asylum seekers walked in the streets or hid in trucks in the hope of traveling to the United Kingdom. In response to these findings, French government officials either denied that such abuse took place, or claimed they did not have enough evidence to conduct investigations. (…) Limited access to a lawyer in pre-charge detention (Article 14, paragraph 2 in the list of issues). While a reform of the French code of criminal procedure in 2011 has guaranteed those in police custody access to a lawyer from the outset of their detention, the law allows prosecutors to delay access in exceptional cases involving persons suspected of serious crimes for up to 12 hours. A liberty and detention judge can postpone access to a lawyer for up to 24 hours in such cases. The liberty and detention judge can postpone access to a lawyer for national security suspects for up to three days, as was the case prior to the 2011 reform. Access to a lawyer from the outset of detention, without exceptions, is key to ensure a suspect’s due process rights and respected and the preparation of an effective defense as well as a fundamental safeguard against torture and other ill-treatment. In all cases, detainees are only allowed an interview with their lawyer for up to 30 minutes which can undermine the right to an effective defense by limiting lawyers’ ability to provide advice at a critical stage in the procedure. France should grant anyone in police custody access to a lawyer from the start of their detention, regardless of the offense they are suspected of. France should also remove the time limit on interviews with lawyers, and not impose arbitrary limits on the time defendants can spend with their lawyer in preparation of their case. (…) Discriminatory restrictions on religious symbols (Articles 18 and 26, paragraph 26 in the list of issues). A ban on students from wearing Muslim headscarves (hijabs), Jewish kippahs, Sikh turbans, and large Christian crosses under Act No. 2004/228 of March 15, 2004, which prohibits the wearing of ostentatious religious symbols in public schools, breaches the rights to freedom of religion (Article 18) and to freedom of expression (Article 19), as well as rights under other human rights instruments (notably the right to education). The ban has a disproportionate impact on Muslim girls and women who wear the Muslim headscarf and is therefore discriminatory, in violation of the rights to equality before the law, including equality of men and women, and to freedom from discrimination (Articles 2, 3, and 26).  We are concerned by reports that it has led to the suspension or exclusion of girls who wear the Muslim headscarf from schools as well as of some girls who wear long skirts, considered to be religious dress in those schools.  (…) Human Rights Watch disagrees with the July 2014 ruling by the European Court of Human Rights in the vase of S.A.S. v. France, in which the Court upheld the ban. The prohibition is neither necessary nor proportionate, and in Human Rights Watch’s view breaches the right to freedom of religion and expression of those who choose to conceal their face in public. It disproportionately impacts Muslim women and is, as such, discriminatory (…) The Committee should also call on France to ensure that its laws are not applied in a way that discriminates against Muslim girls and women, and that no child is prevented from attending school on the grounds that their clothes are considered to be religious symbols. (…) Discrimination against (Romanian people) (Articles 2 and 26, paragraph 5 in the list of issues). Under the presidencies of both Nicolas Sarkozy and François Hollande, migrant Roma have faced discriminatory expulsions and evictions and stigmatizing public statements by high level officials. An August 2010 circular of the Ministry of the Interior ordering prefects to systematically dismantle unauthorized camps and prioritize those inhabited by Roma was leaked to the press in September 2010. (…) An internal order leaked to the media in April 2014, instructing police officers in a Paris police station to locate and systematically evict Roma living on the streets of the 6tharrondissement (district) of Paris, raised serious concerns that the discriminatory practice of targeting Roma for eviction has continued notwithstanding assurances from Minister of the Interior Bernard Cazeneuve that the order had been rectified (…). Abusive Identity Checks (Article 26, paragraph 27 in the list of issues).  Despite campaign promises by President Hollande and a commitment undertaken at France’s 2013 UPR, the authorities have taken insufficient steps to address abusive identity checks by police, including the use of ethnic profiling, and repetitive and discriminatory identity checks targeting minorities (…). Statistical and anecdotal evidence indicates that young Blacks and Arabs living in economically disadvantaged areas are particularly frequent targets for such stops, suggesting that police engage in ethnic profiling to determine whom to stop.  The government has taken limited steps to correct abuses and improve accountability, including updating the police code of ethics to provide guidelines on the use of pat-downs and require officers to use the polite form of address, as well as introduce the use of identification numbers on police uniforms. However, the authorities have rejected proposals to introduce more meaningful reforms. In February 2015, Jacques Toubon, the French Defender of Rights submitted observations before the Paris Court of Appeal that was hearing a complaint of discriminatory identity checks by 13 people.  Toubon noted that by failing to adopt concrete measures to prevent and punish discriminatory identity checks, the French authorities were closing their eyes on the seriousness of those acts and threating them as ordinary.”[40]

Human Rights Watch: “The Collective Against Islamophobia in France (CCIF), an organization that assisted Human Rights Watch in contacting people targeted by the measures, said they had documented 180 cases of abusive house arrests and raids. The vast majority of those placed under house arrest or whose homes were searched are Muslims and persons of North African descent. All the measures that Human Rights Watch documented targeted Muslims, Muslim establishments, or halal restaurants. Many people said they felt they had been targeted because of their religion. The CCIF echoed this sentiment. Nils Muižnieks, Council of Europe commissioner for human rights, also raised concerns about possible ethnic profiling in an interview on January 12. Practices that discriminate against Muslims are counterproductive as well as reprehensible and unlawful, alienating French Muslims and undermining cooperation between Muslim communities and law enforcement efforts that could assist in identifying local terrorism threats based on radical Islam, Human Rights Watch said. On January 19, five United Nations special rapporteurs, including those on freedom of opinion and expression, and on the protection and promotion of human rights while countering terrorism, called on the government not to extend the state of emergency beyond February 26. They said: While exceptional measures may be required under exceptional circumstances, this does not relieve the authorities from demonstrating that these are applied solely for the purposes for which they were prescribed, and are directly related to the specific objective that inspired them. (…)  The United Nations General Assembly has repeatedly warned that security measures that violate human rights and rule of law are drivers of terrorism. In a context of growing Islamophobia, the French government should urgently reach out to Muslims and give them assurances that they are not under suspicion because of their religion or ethnicity, Leghtas said. Freedom, equality, and fraternity have been badly damaged in the weeks since the November attacks. France should live by those words and restore their meaning. (…) The effects of the house arrests are catastrophic, Xavier Nogueras, a lawyer representing several Muslims under house arrest, told Human Rights Watch. People are losing their livelihoods, their reputations, everything. (…) On November 16, 2015, police carried out an overnight raid in Aubervilliers, a town in the northern Seine-Saint-Denis suburb of Paris, searching homes and a mosque that also serves as the office of the Association of Muslims of Aubervilliers (AMA). The prefect’s search order, leaked to the media, described the AMA as a place where radical Islamists converged and used the premises of the association for their conspiratorial activities, and that there are serious reasons to believe that there are, in the mosque and the home of its president, people, weapons or objects linked to terrorist activities. Damage to the mosque of Aubervilliers, a suburb north of Paris, during a police raid on November 17, 2015, carried out under emergency powers.  The home of the AMA president, Chiheb Harar, was also raided. He said: They broke the door of my house. I came downstairs and found myself facing the police and gendarmes, there were about 60 of them [including outside the house]. I was put face down on the floor, handcuffed in my back with a policeman on my back, one on my shoulder. My wife shouted, ‘There’s nothing here,’ but an officer told her, ‘Shut up.’ They searched the house and found nothing related to terrorism.”[41]

Human Rights Watch: “Under its international and European obligations, France should protect people who fear persecution or inhumane treatment. France should also protect the human rights of asylum seekers and refugees who are on French territory and at its borders, and in particular ensure access to a fair asylum procedure and basic services. The European Union has failed to live up to its founding principles of solidarity and protection for people fleeing war and persecution. Several EU governments have closed their doors to asylum seekers and migrants and failed to cooperate with one another to share responsibilities more equitably, exacerbating the migration crisis and denying refugees their basic right to protection. Rather than share responsibility for hosting and processing refugees and asylum seekers, the EU is trying to deflect responsibility for these people onto other countries, increasing the burden on countries already hosting large numbers of refugees. This includes its problematic deal with Turkey, a country that already hosts almost three million refugees and is not a safe country of asylum. (…) Unaccompanied refugee children are particularly vulnerable and benefit from specific protections under French and international law. The Convention on the Rights of the Child, which France was one of the first to sign, guarantees children government support and protection, including the right to education and to health care, and to guardianship and legal representation to protect their interests. Nevertheless, many unaccompanied children on French territory do not have access to the necessary protection and support.  The government has placed them in shelters outside the regular asylum and child protection system, and has been slow to move them into the regular system. Unaccompanied migrant children in the Calais area have suffered police harassment. (…) Beyond European Union borders, within the Council of Europe, France is party to the European Convention on Human Rights and the European Court of Human Rights. Through these two institutions, France is required to respect and promote universal rights, which are the foundation of justice and peace in the world (preamble of the ECHR). (…) Since March 2015, Saudi Arabia has led a coalition of nine Arab countries carrying out military operations against Houthi and other forces opposed to the internationally recognized Yemeni government. Human Rights Watch has documented 61 apparently unlawful attacks by the Saudi-led coalition and has reported that over 4,000 civilians have been killed and close to 7,000 wounded, most due to coalition attacks. The Houthi-Saleh forces also committed human rights violations, including indiscriminate shelling, the use of landmines and recruitment of child soldiers. Saudi Arabia and the eight other coalition countries have not investigated these allegations of possible war crimes in an independent and credible manner. Human Rights Watch, along with other organizations such as Amnesty International, have called on the United States, United Kingdom, and France to halt arms sales to Saudi Arabia as long as it continues to carry out unlawful attacks and does not investigate international humanitarian law violations in a credible manner. Nevertheless, France has continued selling arms to Saudi Arabia, including $500 million worth of Airbus H145 helicopters in July 2015, taking the risk of abetting these violations. Restrictions on providing food and other civilian necessities imposed by the coalition and obstacles to humanitarian aid by all parties to the conflict, have contributed to a catastrophic food crisis in Yemen. The United Nations says that 7 million people urgently need food aid. (…) Under the presidency of Xi Jinping, in power until at least 2022, the Chinese government has adopted increasingly repressive measures, drastically restricting the rights to freedom of expression, association and religion. Persecution of political activists and human rights defenders has led over the last few years to the imprisonment of hundreds of lawyers and activists, some of whom are still in detention. Liu Xiao Bo, Nobel Peace Prize laureate in 2010, has been imprisoned for over eight years. He is one of the many human rights defenders imprisoned for political reasons. He was convicted in 2009 on the basis of false accusations of subversion for being the co-author of a widely-circulated petition calling on the Chinese government to promote human rights and the rule of law. France has been unwilling to speak out against human rights violations in China. Significantly, France did not take part in the unprecedented joint statement about the human rights situation in China adopted by the United Nations Human Rights Council in March 2016. France’s close diplomatic and economic ties with China could allow France to play a more active role in encouraging the Chinese government to respect and protect fundamental freedoms. France should recognize that achieving the kind of trade and strategic relationship it wants with China depends on the Chinese government’s respect for the free flow of information and its recognition that being open to differing views contributes to good policy decisions, as well as an independent judiciary and a predictable and fair legal system for foreign and domestic business. (…) France intervenes militarily for counterterrorism purposes in several parts of the world, notably in Iraq/Syria and in the Sahel region. The French Operation Sangaris, which sent peacekeeping troops to the Central African Republic, ended in December 2016, but French soldiers are still in the country to provide support to the UN peacekeeping operation, known as MINUSCA. France should ensure that French forces and forces allied to France participating in these military operations strictly respect human rights and the laws of war. In counterterrorism operations, all military and security forces should strictly observe their obligations to protect the rights to life and security of civilians and to respect the fundamental rights of people who are detained or imprisoned. The French Operation Serval was initiated in January 2013 to drive out Islamist armed groups then occupying northern Mali. The French counterterrorism effort was expanded in August 2014, when Operation Barkhane was created to fight Islamist armed groups in five countries of the Sahel region: Mali, Burkina Faso, Chad, Niger, and Mauritania. Despite the peace agreement in Mali in 2015, fighting between various armed groups continues and attacks and violations by Islamist armed groups have continued in the north and spread to the center of the country and into northern Burkina Faso. Human Rights Watch has documented numerous violations of human rights by Malian security forces engaged in counterterrorism operations. Violations include arbitrary arrests, executions, and severe ill treatment, including torture. These violations generally targeted people suspected of being members or supporters of Islamist armed groups.  Reports of these kinds of violations are decreasing, but remain extremely concerning. The French army has for many years provided support to the Malian army. Since at least 2012 the French presence has served as a deterrent to abuses by their Malian counterparts. But Malian authorities have for the most part failed to investigate violations by Malian security forces in an independent and impartial manner. France should publicly call and push for credible investigations and for justice and reparation for the victims, or else it may be seen as willing to tolerate and condone such violations. French armed forces under Operation Sangaris, along with UN peacekeepers deployed in the Central African Republic, have also been implicated in allegations of grave sexual exploitation and abuse, including rape of children. Despite lengthy investigations into these abuses, the public prosecutor in Paris requested the dismissal of one of the cases. While the final decision as to whether this case will be prosecuted lies with the investigating judges, there is concern about ongoing impunity for peacekeepers who commit sexual exploitation and abuse.”[42]

 

Evidence 10: UNESCO PEACE PRIZE TO PRESIDENT Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva

Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights: The Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva has received the Félix Houphouët-Boigny Peace Prize awarded by the UNESCO. This Peace Prize by UNESCO was awarded for Social Justice. However, the President Lula da Silva has been investigated by several charges of Corruption, during an investigation leaded by judge Sérgio Moro. According to the investigations, President Lula da Silva received several millions of dollars in bribes. When the scandal came to light, President Dilma Rousseff offered him a post with immunity, which was rejected by the Justice system. As a result of these investigations of corruption, several politicians and businessmen are already imprisoned in Brazil, which is the most scandalous episode of corruption in Brazil history. For this reason, Judge Moro has been supported for investigating organized crime and institutionalized crime, where billions of dollars of bribes, corruption and money laundering were circulating. Moreover, during years President Lula da Silva has endorsed and supported to the criminal corrupt governments of Nestor Kirchner and Cristina Fernández from Argentina. Brazilian government has also been performed some human rights violations by its security forces.

Transparency International: “On November 13 the Supreme Court in Brazil sentenced one of the leading politicians in the country, José Dirceu former chief of staff to President Lula, to 10 years and 10 months in prison for corruption in a vote buying scandal that was uncovered in 2005. This significant sentence underscored the judiciary’s intent to send a strong message that there will be no impunity for politicians in Brazil.”[43]

Transparency International:  “Transparency International welcomed news Brazilian authorities are taking their investigation of the Petrobras corruption scandal to the highest levels, as seen by the detainment today of former President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva for questioning. Brazilian police questioned Lula and searched his home, according to numerous media reports, suggesting for now that investigators will leave no stone unturned as they piece together the multibillion dollar corruption case at the oil giant Petrobras. This is one of the biggest corruption cases in Latin American history. We are pleased to see that in the ongoing investigation no current or former politician has been considered too powerful or untouchable by investigative authorities, said José Ugaz, Chair of Transparency International. If found guilt as charged by the investigation this will send a message to the corrupt that no one is immune from the law. The Petrobras case was recently chosen as one of the most symbolic cases of grand corruption in Transparency International’s Unmask the Corrupt campaign. It involves bribery, kickbacks and money laundering worth over US$2 billion. More than 50 sitting politicians and 18 companies linked to the scandal face investigations, including Brazilian construction companies that allegedly paid bribes to secure Petrobras business. Grand corruption is the abuse of high-level power that benefits the few at the expense of the many, and causes serious and widespread harm to individuals and society. It often goes unpunished.”[44]

Dom Phillips (The Guardian): “Brazil’s ex-president Lula decries persecution as he faces corruption charges in court. Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, the most popular president in Brazilian history, was questioned by Sérgio Moro, a national hero for jailing the rich and powerful. (…) Lula is accused of benefiting from the plot, in which billions of dollars were siphoned off fat contracts at the state-run oil company Petrobras. (…) Lula is accused of benefitting to the tune of 3.7m reais (£910,000), but the prosecution alleges OAS was settling a bigger 88m reais (£21m) graft bill with the Workers’ party he co-founded, in return for big oil refinery contracts.”[45]

Human Rights Watch: “Brazil has in recent years consolidated its place as one of the most influential democracies in regional and global affairs but continues to face important human rights challenges. Faced with high levels of violent crime, some Brazilian police officers engage in abusive practices instead of pursuing sound policing policies. Detention conditions in the country are inhumane. Torture remains a serious problem. Forced labor persists in some states despite federal efforts to eradicate it. Indigenous and landless peoples face threats and violence, particularly in rural conflicts over land distribution. (…) Most of Brazil’s metropolitan areas are plagued by widespread violence perpetrated by criminal gangs and abusive police. Violence especially impacts low-income communities. There were over 40,000 intentional homicides in Brazil in 2008. In Rio de Janeiro, hundreds of low-income communities are occupied and controlled by drug gangs, who routinely engage in violent crime and extortion. Police abuse, including extrajudicial execution, is a chronic problem. According to official data, police were responsible for 561 killings in the state of Rio de Janeiro alone in the first six months of 2009. (…) Brazil’s prisons and jails are plagued by inhumane conditions, violence, and severe overcrowding. Delays within the justice system contribute to overcrowding; some 45 percent of all inmates in the country are pretrial detainees. The National Justice Council, the judiciary’s oversight body, reported in 2009 that approximately 60,000 inmates were being held arbitrarily. The use of torture is a chronic problem within the penitentiary system. A 2008 report by the multiparty National Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry on the Penitentiary System concluded that the national detention system is plagued by “physical and psychological torture.” In one case from Goiás, the Commission received evidence that the National Security Force subjected female detainees to kicks and electric shocks, stepped on the abdomen of a pregnant woman, and forced another woman to strip naked. (…) Indigenous and landless peoples face threats and violence, particularly in land disputes in rural areas. According to the Pastoral Land Commission, 28 people were killed and 168 arrested in rural conflicts throughout the country in 2008. In August 2009, Elton Brum da Silva, a member of the Landless Rural Workers’ Movement, was killed during a police operation to remove landless families from a farm in Rio Grande do Sul. Also in August 2009, rural union leader Elio Neves, was attacked and seriously wounded in his home by an unidentified gunman. He had reported receiving repeated death threats prior to the attack. (…) Some human rights defenders, particularly those working on issues of police violence and land conflicts, suffer intimidation and violence. (…) The Inter-American Court of Human Rights issued a ruling against Brazil in July 2009 in the case of Escher et al. v. Brazil, declaring that Brazilian authorities had violated the rights to privacy and freedom of association of members of the Landless Rural Workers’ Movement. Police had illegally wiretapped the organization’s phones and then broadcast nationally some of the conversations they had illegally recorded. At the United Nations Human Rights Council, Brazil has often been reluctant to support efforts to scrutinize the human rights record of abusive governments, thereby undermining the Council’s performance.”[46]

Human Rights Watch: “Children in northern Brazil are routinely subjected to beatings by police and detained in centers that fail to safeguard their basic human rights.  Once placed in juvenile detention centers, children may suffer further violence from other youths.  They are often confined to their cells for lengthy periods of time, with potentially serious consequences for their emotional well-being.  Many detained youths do not receive an education and are not offered other opportunities to develop the skills they will need to lead satisfying and productive lives as adults.  Girls often lack basic medical care and have fewer opportunities than boys for exercise, recreation, and other activities.  Conditions of confinement such as these violate international law and Brazil’s Statute of the Child and the Adolescente (Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente). (…) Beatings at the hands of police during and after arrest are common, we found.  Such abuses often occur at police stations, where Brazilian law allows children to be held for up to five days while they await transfer to a juvenile detention facility.  (…) One youth told Human Rights Watch that military police aimed tear gas cannisters directly at him; he had burns, blisters, bruises, and cuts over his face, neck, abdomen, arms, and legs.  Other youths reported that police officers beat them with rubber batons and tree branches after they were detained. (…) Physical abuse is not the only human rights violation suffered by children in detention.  Upon entering a detention facility, children are routinely confined to their cells for five days or more with no opportunity for exercise or other activity. (…) Most detention centers fail to investigate complaints of abuses; indeed, most centers had no meaningful complaint mechanism.  Officials in Manaus, capital of the state of Amazônas, were the only ones to raise the issue of abuses by guards and military police and discuss it forthrightly with Human Rights Watch.  I can’t hide this, said Paulo Sampeio, the director of the Amazônas Department of the Child and the Adolescent, because if I do, I perpetuate it. Brazilian law guarantees youths the right to legal representation, including free legal assistance for those in need, meaning that in theory, a child could ask his or her attorney for assistance in making a complaint.  In practice, however, few of the youths we interviewed had actually spoken to their legal counsel.”[47]

 

Evidence 11: CENSORSHIP

Julian Assange (founder of WikiLeaks): “UNESCO has made itself an international human rights joke. To use freedom of expression to censor WikiLeaks from a conference about WikiLeaks is an Orwellian absurdity beyond words. This is an intolerable abuse of UNESCO’s Constitution. It’s time to occupy UNESCO.” [48]

Kristinn Hrafnsson (WikiLeaks spokesperson): “UNESCO has a duty to assure that fairness and balance is secured in important discussions carried out under the banner of the organization. It is obvious that this will hardly be the case, given the selection of speakers. This is both a disgrace to UNESCO and potentially harmful to WikiLeaks.” [49]

Julian Assange (founder of WikiLeaks): “UNESCO must conduct a full, frank and open investigation as to how its constitution, which tasks it to promote freedom of expression, freedom of information and freedom of communication, has become a blunt instrument of censorship. UNESCO must demonstrate that cold-war style power-plays, by the United States, or indeed any other country, are no longer acceptable.”

 

[1] Walter Pincus, GAO Probes UNESCO Corruption Charges. https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1984/03/09/gao-probes-unesco-corruption-charges/23b87d05-accf-44b1-812f-f076b34a91c2/?utm_term=.cfbaa460811b

[2] https://www.theguardian.com/world/1999/oct/18/jonhenley1

[3] Bivol, UNESCO Scandals: Director-General Irina Bokova Manipulated Recruitment Procedures to Appoint Protégé with Fake Qualifications as Her Assistant Director-General  https://bivol.bg/en/unesco-scandals-director-general-irina-bokova-manipulates-recruitment-procedures-to-appoint-a-protege-with-fake-qualifications-as-her-assistant-director-general.html

[4] Andre Vltchek, Reformed, Disciplined and Humiliated UNESCO. https://off-guardian.org/2015/11/25/reformed-disciplined-and-humiliated-unesco/

[5] https://www.unwatch.org/issue-558-genocidal-sudan-iran-win-unesco-leadership-roles/

[6] https://www.unwatch.org/unesco-silent-hamas-bulldozes-world-heritage-site-make-terrorist-training-camp/

[7] https://www.unwatch.org/scandal-unesco-vote-keeps-assad-regime-on-human-rights-committee/

[8] https://www.unwatch.org/uk-announces-bid-to-cancel-syrias-abhorrent-membership-on-unesco-rights-committee-2/

[9] https://www.unwatch.org/issue-331-unesco-funded-pro-hitler-palestinian-magazine/

[10] https://www.unwatch.org/55-mps-rights-groups-dissidents-urge-unesco-cancel-election-syria-human-rights-committees/

[11] http://www.panorama.am/en/news/2016/02/04/Irina-Bokova/1523478

[12] https://www.theguardian.com/world/2010/jun/16/unesco-suspends-prize-equatorial-guinea-dictator

[13] http://thezimbabwean.co/2010/10/unesco-africans-urge-cancellation-of-obiang-prize/

[14] http://www.egjustice.org/post/obiang-prize

[15] https://www.hrw.org/news/2010/06/09/cancelling-unesco-obiang-prize

[16] https://www.hrw.org/news/2010/10/15/corrupt-dictator-tries-buy-unescos-brand-name

[17] https://www.cpj.org/blog/2010/10/obiang-prize-suspended-indefinitely.php

[18] https://www.globalwitness.org/en/archive/unesco-eliminate-obiang-prize-critics-oppose-his-proposal-rename-award/

[19] http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-18857604

[20] https://cpj.org/2012/03/renamed-obiang-prize-is-a-blow-to-unesco.php

[21] https://freedomhouse.org/blog/obiang-prize-whatever-name-scandal-unesco

[22] http://www.osisa.org/economic-justice/global/unesco-urged-drop-obiang-prize

[23] https://www.hrw.org/news/2012/03/09/unesco-disappointing-vote-obiang-prize

[24] https://www.theguardian.com/world/2012/jul/17/unesco-equatorial-guinea-prize

[25] Open Society Foundations, The UNESCO-Obiang Prize, Corruption, and Abuse in Equatorial Guinea

[26] JTA, De Beauvoir Denounces Unesco; Says Re-divided Jerusalem is Unthinkable. http://www.jta.org/1975/04/30/archive/de-beauvoir-denounces-unesco-says-re-divided-jerusalem-is-unthinkable

[27] New York Times, Jerusalem: UNESCO Curb Backfires. http://www.nytimes.com/1975/05/12/archives/jerusalem-unesco-curb-backfires.html?_r=0

[28] https://www.unwatch.org/danger-unesco-heritage-committees-jerusalem-resolution/

[29] Giulio Meotti, UNESCO against the Jews.  http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-4097506,00.html

[30] http://www.wujs.org.il/unesco.html

[31] http://www.jpost.com/Israel/Rabbi-of-Western-Wall-denounces-UNESCO-decisions

[32] Timothy Alexander Guzman, When “War is Peace”: “Peace Prizes” Awarded to War Criminals

[33] https://www.hrw.org/news/2011/06/09/senegal-habre-trial-illusion

[34] https://www.hrw.org/news/2011/01/18/united-nations-senegal-must-prosecute-or-extradite-hissene-habre

[35] https://www.hrw.org/news/2010/07/21/senegal/chad-nobel-winners-african-activists-seek-progress-habre-trial

[36] https://www.hrw.org/news/2012/04/03/senegal-human-rights-priorities

[37] https://www.amnesty.org/en/countries/europe-and-central-asia/france/report-france/

[38] https://www.hrw.org/news/2014/10/09/france-counterterrorism-bill-threatens-rights

[39] https://www.hrw.org/news/2015/04/06/france-bill-opens-door-surveillance-society

[40] https://www.hrw.org/news/2015/06/22/human-rights-watch-concerns-and-recommendations-france

[41] https://www.hrw.org/news/2016/02/03/france-abuses-under-state-emergency

[42] https://www.hrw.org/news/2017/03/29/france-human-rights-implications-presidential-campaign

[43] http://www.transparency.org/news/feature/no_impunity_brazils_court_delivers_a_strong_message

[44]http://www.transparency.org/news/pressrelease/questioning_of_brazilian_ex_president_lula_in_petrobras_scandal_shows_no_on

[45] https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/may/10/brazil-lula-president-court-corruption-charges

[46] https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2010/country-chapters/brazil

[47] https://www.hrw.org/report/2003/04/09/cruel-confinement/abuses-against-detained-children-northern-brazil

[48] https://wikileaks.org/WikiLeaks-denounces-UNESCO-after.html

[49] https://wikileaks.org/WikiLeaks-denounces-UNESCO-after.html

 

 

Act on Lula da Silva

Case No. 26-2017: “NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE”

Act on Lula da Silva

 

On March 8, 2018, an Act of International Repudiation for Nobel Peace Prize winner Adolfo Pérez Esquivel was made, since he publicly affirmed that he will support the candidacy of Inácio Lula da Silva to receive the Nobel Peace Prize. The Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights makes this repudiation because Lula da Silva has recently been sentenced to 12 years in prison for corruption offenses, as well as being tried in many other criminal cases related to crimes during the exercise of his Presidency in Brazil. In fact, the Brazilian criminal justice and police would be preparing the arrest of Lula da Silva to serve the 12 years of sentence. Even if it were recognized that the government of Lula da Silva reduced poverty and social inequality in Brazil, this does not mean that this individual should not be condemned for his crimes, much less that his criminal acts should be ignored and endorsed with a Peace Prize. Carrying out this kind of support acts, such as those of Adolfo Pérez Esquivel, only contributes to discredit what peace really means: to live in righteousness. Therefore, it is confirmed that Lula da Silva not only should not receive a Nobel Peace Prize in the future, but also that the UNESCO Peace Prize previously received by him should be annulled. Ergo, the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights dictates that any government carrying out social welfare measures but simultaneously having high levels of corruption will be no more than a populist, undemocratic and illegal government. The Defense of True and Adequate Peace is to criticize those who usurp the name of peace in order to validate their crimes.

Always with spirit of reconciliation (maitri),

Master Maitreya Samyaksambuddha

President and Judge of the International Buddhist Ethics Committee & Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights

Judgment on Norwegian Nobel Committee

 

Case No. 26-2017: “NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE”

 

ETHICAL JUDGMENT

Dear Prosecutor, Public Defender, Ambassadors and Jury Members of the International Buddhist Ethics Committee (IBEC) and Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights (BTHR), regarding the Case 26-2017 against NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE, hereby on May 23, 2017, it is recorded that the trial of the Buddhist Tribunal has been concluded to analyze the violation of Human Rights made by the accused. This Case has been carried out as a result of the “Case Myanmar” as well as from the “Case UN”.

After analyzing the presentation of the case and the validation of the large number of evidence, it has proceeded with the vote of 7 Jury Members. There were 1 vote of “Innocent”, 1 “Invalidated” vote and 5 votes of “Responsible” concerning the NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE for the serious crimes of CORRUPTION and COMPLICITY WITH CRIMES AGAINST PEACE. The actions of the NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE when awarding international criminals with the Nobel Peace Prize not only contradict Alfred Nobel’s vision but also cause enormous damage against World Peace and Planetary Justice. These terrible acts prove that members of the NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE have corruptly used Alfred Nobel’s inheritance funds, which should be used to reward peace champions (Santi-raja) instead of rewarding international criminals. Even the NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE on many occasions has refused to cancel awards that violate World Peace, which demonstrates an immoral politicization of its prizes. Thus, the NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE must be held accountable for its actions, which violate Alfred Nobel’s ethics and his own will inspired by the values of pacifism. Giving a Peace Prize is a great responsibility, because if this ethical acknowledgment is given to an international criminal, it would be violating the very nature of Peace (Santi), being complicit in these violations of international Law. In this sense, the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights establishes that the NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE not only disrespects the memory of Alfred Nobel, but also illegally manages his inheritance by having given Peace Prizes to individuals and countries that violate human rights by means of acts of genocide and crimes against humanity, as has happened when rewarding Aung San Suu Kyi, the PEACEKEEPING FORCES, the UNITED NATIONS (U.N.) and the US GOVERNMENT, among others. These awards go against the construction of a pacifist and empathic civilization.

The Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights ruled that the NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE is “Responsible” for Corruption because it has illegally used Alfred Nobel’s inheritance for delivering Peace Prizes to many figures that violate human rights. Alfred Nobel, like Siddhartha Gautama, had the purpose of creating a world without militarism and without wars, and this is the supreme responsibility that must be fulfilled by the Nobel Peace Prize. In contrast, the NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE has not used the Alfred Nobel heritage funds to fulfill this goal of supporting an international demilitarized system of World Peace and brotherhood among nations. Not only has been breached Alfred Nobel’s mission to abolish or reduce armies, but even the NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE has come to reward countries with genocidal armies. In harmony with Siddhartha Gautama, the Peace Prize created by Alfred Nobel sought to provide the greatest benefit to all peoples, creating a world where nations are disarmed and resolve their conflicts through peaceful negotiations.  Alfred Nobel’s testament is a contribution to the same kind of civilization that the Buddhist Law seeks to build, only rewarding the peace champions (Santi-raja). However, the NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE has betrayed Alfred Nobel’s will, using his funds corruptly and for national political purposes in defending another idea of Peace (Santi). While Siddhartha Gautama and Alfred Nobel wished to build a demilitarized world where the Law would replace aggressive force, where nations would cooperate with each other and would not compete for military superiority, instead, President Jagland of NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE has publicly stated that they apply another concept of Peace (Santi) that is different from the one used by Alfred Nobel, confirming then that the economic funds of the Prize are being allocated for corrupt acts that violate Nobel’s testament. The Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights has demonstrated that the NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE has the duty of fulfilling the will of Alfred Nobel, who defined Peace (Santi) in a very specific way. Therefore, when the NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE uses another definition of Peace (Santi), which is functional to the vision of Norwegian politics, then it is incurring an act of corruption. In the international community there are many individuals and organizations working to reduce or abolish armies and prevent wars, which is exactly what Alfred Nobel sought to reward, although the NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE often does not recognize these potential nominees, preferring to reward political leaders who usually violate human rights and attempt against world peace and the rule of righteousness (dhamma-cakkam). Giving Nobel Peace Prizes to individuals or organizations that violate human rights is not only an immoral act, but is also an act of deep corruption, being an affront and scam against the will of Alfred Nobel.

The Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights rules that the NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE is Responsible for Complicity with Crimes against Peace, because it has supported and rewarded criminals who have committed international crimes. As the Nuremberg Tribunal has pointed out, Crimes against Peace are supreme international crimes because they contain within them all the evil of the other international crimes. Thus, crimes against peace not only are referred to planning, preparation, conspiracy and the carrying out of aggression wars that violate international treaties, but also include genocides, crimes against humanity and war crimes. Also, the Nuremberg Tribunal has pointed out that crimes against peace are not only committed by States but also by individuals. The Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights agrees with Judge Jackson that incitement is an act as criminal as execution, considering that complicity (active or omissive) entails being responsible for the criminal acts of others. The NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE has rewarded subjects who had already committed crimes against peace, and it also decided that the award be kept by individuals who subsequently committed crimes after receiving the Nobel Peace Prize. Undoubtedly, for the ethical vision of the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights this is an act of complicity. In extending the application of the Draft Code of Crimes Against the Peace and Security of Mankind by the International Law Commission, the Buddhist Law states that NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE is complicit with crimes against peace, since there is a responsibility for these international crimes when failing to prevent or punish the commission of such crimes, when consciously assisting with direct and substantial means, when publicly inciting to commit such crimes. While the NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE has the moral power to take away the prizes awarded to international criminals, by overseeing that prizes are awarded only to peace champions (Santi-raja), there is a clear flaw in the ethical duty to supervise those who are supported by a Peace Prize. Although the NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE does not have juridical power to sanction the criminals it awarded, it certainly has the moral power to sanction them ethically by canceling the prize. Moreover, granting criminals with a Nobel Peace Prize along with a large sum of money is not only a public incitement to follow the criminal’s behavior, but is also providing them with monetary means to continue carrying out such crimes against peace. Clearly, the NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE has never taken steps to prevent the Nobel Peace Prize from falling into the hands of international criminals, to whom it has supported through such a noble prize. Through the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination and the American Convention on Human Rights, the International Law prohibits any propaganda or incitement in favor of war, racism, discrimination and violence, so that undoubtedly the act of awarding Nobel Peace Prizes to those who commit international crimes constitutes a violation of the International Law. The act of judging the NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE for Complicity with Crimes against Peace is something unique in world jurisprudence, being of transcendental importance for present and future generations, since it is a teaching about what is truly Peace (Santi). In revalidating the actions of international criminals through the awarding of Nobel Peace Prizes, the NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE has violated the solidarity that unites the nations of the world, by maintaining the practice of inadequate peace or false peace that does not really solve the conflicts but worsens them through the use of violence and war. Even if they are self-defense actions, violence and war never lead to Peace (Santi) and justice. The Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights agrees with the Kellogg-Briand Pact on condemning war as an inadequate way of resolving international disputes, having to renounce to it in order to maintain adequate and peaceful relations between the peoples. The NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE has rewarded individuals who have used war as a national policy, which is illegal under International Law. The complicity of NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE constitutes a supreme offense against international ethics and the sacredness of the human right to Peace (Santi). In this way, the fact that the international community does not impose any sanction against the NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE does not mean this organization was unpunished in the face of the Buddhist Law.

Unlike traditional jurists, Maitriyana cannot remain silent in the face of phenomena of contemporary civilization that threaten world peace and the rule of righteousness (dhamma-cakkam). The Buddhist Law as an ethical order ruling the peaceful coexistence among peoples has much to say in the face of the world’s problems, never yielding to the phenomenon of war. The Maitriyana has juridical capability of processing and solving events that produce miseries at the international level, carrying out an ethical analysis on the causes and solutions of the ills of the world. In this way, the Buddhist law makes a contemplative use of reason to denounce war and militarism as insane violations of international human rights standards. At the same time, the Maitriyana proposes the construction of a new international community that will definitively puts an end to the illegal resource of war. Obviously, the development of a pacifist civilization involves the challenge of eliminating discrimination and violence from communities and individuals. The Buddhist Law states that there is an absolute contradiction between war and justice. In agreement with the jurist Luigi Ferrajoli, the Maitriyana confirms that war is the denial of human rights, just as Buddhist Law is the denial of war. The Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights states that crimes against peace are prohibited in an omni-comprehensive way by the Nuremberg Tribunal and also by the Charter of the United Nations, since the threat and use of military force undermine the integrity and independence of the peoples in an incompatible way with the purposes of humanity. Like International Law, Maitriyana declares that wars are illegal and that conflicts must be resolved only by peaceful means, never jeopardizing or endangering Peace (Santi) and international justice through illusions and false just wars or humanitarian wars. Buddhist law considers any justification for war as unlawful, since its verbal defense is an act as criminal as carrying out the war. In this sense, the Maitriyana affirms that justificationism that uses resources such as holy wars, just wars, ethical wars or humanitarian wars, constitutes complicity with crimes against peace, instead of complying with international law and resolving disputes by peaceful and adequate means. Against this, the Buddhist Law denounces as false peace those Nobel Prizes awarded to criminals who have carried out acts of war or violence, by arguing that this false peace has an immoral and anti-legal nature because it produces devastating effects on the civilian population by stripping them of their fundamental rights. In the same way as jurist Luigi Ferrajoli, the Maitriyana understands war as an absolute evil, stating that it is false the idea that good and Peace (Santi) can be reached by evil and warlike means. Because contemporary civilization uses the idea of just, ethical and humanitarian wars that aim to seek Peace (Santi), the Buddhist Law then considers it is necessary to clarify that this false peace is totally opposed to the vision of right and appropriate peace (Samma-santi) of Maitriyana. False peace, which is the apparent quest for Peace (Santi) by violent means, violates the ethical principle of doing the least possible harm by attacking thousands of peaceful civilian lives in the name of freedom. False peace and false freedom violate the right to life of the human being, while violating political, economic, cultural and environmental rights, achieving an inadequate or incorrect peace that, in fact, has aggravated the conflict it intended to solve. This fundamental incapacity of war to achieve Peace (Santi) not only can be perceived by the example of American atomic bombs thrown at two Japanese cities, massacring thousands of civilians and sending the dangerous message to the world that it is legitimate to use nuclear weapons, but is also evident in the case of the fight against terrorism, which has been worsened and strengthened instead of eliminating the causes that have generated it. For the Buddhist Law, war only generates an uncontrollable spiral of greed, hatred and deceit. In fact, just or ethical war is merely an excuse to invade other countries for economic reasons. Faced with this perverse feature of capitalist civilization, the Maitriyana agrees with Ferrajoli that a global and cosmopolitan government must be created, being similar to a Constitutional Democratic Supra-State or Human Rights State that effectively complies with the norms of International Law, unlike what has been done by the UN. The mission of this new type of international community must be the guarantee of world peace and the rule of righteousness (dhamma-cakkam), which can only be achieved by disarming both the States and the citizens of the world, prohibiting the production and trading of all kinds of weaponry, which would obviously reduce both citizen crime and international wars to the minimum. This goal is one of the main responsibilities assumed by the Buddhist Law, seeking to ensure that the economic funds of the enormous military budgets are destined to cure social injustice, ignorance and pollution. In harmony with Ferrajoli’s long-term realism, the Maitriyana proposes the utopian way of a democratic reform of the international community, establishing a system of liberty, equality and fraternity in the relations between peoples. This construction of a future pacifist civilization that is a real alternative to the present warlike civilization is the maximum fulfillment of the human rights of all peoples, which is the main ethical and legal aim of Buddhist Law.

The Maitriyana, which was born for the good and the happiness of humankind (manussaloka hita-sukhataya jato), honors Siddharta Gautama as an architect not only of Buddhist Law but also of the path of fundamental rights, which are understood as intrinsic dignity or righteous law. Maitriyana possesses a juridical-political theory that installs itself in the history of philosophical thought as the maximum representative of the ideal of world peace and the rule of righteousness (dhamma-cakkam), considering that the fundamental rights impose negative limits and positive bonds to the executive, legislative and judicial powers. In this way, the Buddhist Law belongs to the iusphilosophical tradition of creators of world peace, such as Kant, Hegel and Ferrajoli. However, Maitriyana has the singularity of presenting a new contribution to the struggle for world peace and the rule of righteousness (dhamma-cakkam) that is different from the contribution of other authors, since it proposes as necessary to implement a world-wide Ethical Power that corrects and guides the international community toward the fulfillment of the human rights and fundamental freedoms. Unlike State Law, the Buddhist Law has no coercive power, being a model of Supra-State Law whose constitutionalism has the transcendental values of liberty, equality and fraternity as its legitimating foundation. This utopia (brahma-vihara) of the Maitriyana’s juridical cosmovision is a critical alternative to the contemporary civilization. For two thousand six hundred years the model of all political juridical organization of Buddhist Law has been the tribal republic (sangha), which is a utopian community that has justice as its central issue, considering the supremacy of the contemplative reason as a cornerstone. It is also a proposal that returns to the ideals of compassionate wisdom (karuna-prajña), so that it is both a theory and praxis of life. The spiritual commune of Maitriyana is the place of a critical encounter between various disciplines that share a similar way of understanding life and the world, clearly stating that the utopia (brahma-vihara) of world peace and the rule of righteousness (dhamma-cakkam) is possible and necessary. Thus, the Buddhist Law is both an ancient and a new paradigm in which social relations between individuals and state powers must be founded on the basis of Peace (Santi), justice, education and health. Therefore, it is a direction beyond egoism, dualism and consumerism; because it transcends the Ego, the Ideology and the Nation, being a new perspective whose main role is human rights. The Maitriyana is the ultimate expression of the desire to transform reality, seeking to create a better world without falling into the illusion of a perfect, permanent and substantial world. It is about the construction of a new libertarian and emancipatory alternative for humanity, aspiring to a new way of political, economic, cultural and ecological organization where world peace, social justice, advanced education and environmental health will reign. In this sense, the utopian juridical cosmovision of Buddhist Law is based on contemplative rationality, which always perceives the constitutional democracy as a guarantee of the fulfillment of the fundamental rights that transcend the mere parliamentary agreement of the majorities, since it protects nothing less than the adequate liberty (samma-vimutti) and intrinsic dignity of the human being. The legal principles of Maitriyana position it as a guarantor movement of the fundamental rights facing the state powers, developing a contemplative science that is constantly socially engaged with an ethical, critical and projective function. The constitutionality of Buddhist Law allows knowing the reality of the suffering of the fellow beings, who suffer injustices, aggressions and oppressions against their fundamental rights, in order to offer adequate and non-provisional solutions. The Maitriyana always defends the victims, the poor and oppressed, reconfiguring justice as a guardian system of liberty, equality and fraternity. In this way, from the supranational paradigm of the Buddhist Law a new civilization can be created that establishes the empire of ethical values, by vanishing the primitive empire of war, injustice, ignorance and pollution. In agreement with Ferrajoli, the Maitriyana points to a global constitutionalism, building a cosmopolitan democracy that guarantees the full compliance of human rights and fundamental freedoms. Here, Abolitionism becomes the formulation of the annulment of State Law, which should leave place for the operative effectiveness of International Law in order to ensure harmonious coexistence and peaceful solution of conflicts both between individuals and between nations. Although the legitimacy of Buddhist Law does not come from the consensus of the majority (consensus omnium) of society, its foundation of legitimacy is nothing less than the defense of liberty, equality and fraternity, which are superior values to both laws and acts of the governments of majorities. Although the universal system of human rights is currently in crisis and decay due to populist regimes emerging as symptoms of the decline of capitalist civilization, undoubtedly, the Path of the Maitriyana will never fail to sustain the constitutionality of fundamental rights, guiding the peoples toward a global democratic constitutionalism. This utopia goes back to the ancient Buddhist Civilization, appealing to conquer the world through the Purpose (Dharma) of world peace and the rule of righteousness (dhamma-cakkam). In this way, the Maitriyana does not aim at a mythical time and place, but rather is a critical way to build a better world in the here and now. This perspective revalues not only the ethical value of Peace (Santi), but also its pragmatic value, because in times of Peace (Santi) people are happier, more developed and friendly, while in times of war only the suffering, involution and hatred emerge. The Utopia of Buddhist Law is a New Reformation that criticizes the incorrect concept of Peace (Santi) that is characteristic of contemporary civilization, building what is understood as righteous or adequate peace (Samma-santi). A just society can only be developed as a product of the beneficial result of the defense of the supreme human right to Peace (Santi). Like the juridical tradition of Kant and Ferrajoli, the Maitriyana seeks the establishment of a Cosmopolitan Supra-State that abolishes war by means of the unity of the peoples, bringing Peace (Santi) back, which is the intrinsic nature of the human being. Such a Cosmopolitan Supra-State must be ruled by World or International Law, which is what the Buddhist Law is proposed to be. The Maitriyana designs an ethical framework of international community in which ethics, metapolitics and justice are integrated, and where Peace (Santi) should not be established but rather reconquered, since it is the natural condition or intrinsic dignity of humanity, even though this has been forgotten. In tune with Kant and Ferrajoli, the Buddhist Law has the idea of creating an international community regulated by world peace and democracy, fully recognizing and fulfilling the fundamental rights of sentient beings. This is because Buddhist Spirituality is the incarnation of the Supreme Compassion (Maha Karuna) extended to all humankind, animals and the Cosmos. Therefore, because they belong to a higher legal ethical order, the spiritual masters of Maitriyana can never stop saying what the world should be. In agreement with Ferrajoli, the Buddhist Law proposes to erect a new international community that is a Constitutional Supra-State of Fundamental Rights, functioning above all the local executive, legislative and judicial powers. The daily work of Maitriyana, whose force of righteous and adequate peace (Samma-santi) is reconciliation (maitri), aspires to the effective realization of this social construction. By eliminating violence and war as legal sanctions, the Buddhist Law is a global juridical pacifism whose utopian horizon is to reshape contemporary civilization. This cosmovision teaches the peoples to be liberated from all forms of domination that violate their fundamental rights, so that contemplative reason is always directed by the Analytical-Existential-Libertarian Discourse (Buddha-Dharma-Sangha). Thus, the Maitriyana’s ethical and spiritual counterculture has a constituent legal function. In this way, the juridical sense of Buddhist Law is guided by the logic of contemplative rationality, which is recognized for its ethical and evolutionary character, so it is not tied to the production of legal norms but rather to transcendental values of the human being. In this way, the duty or raison d’être of Maitriyana’s justice is a metapolitical theory and practice. By placing itself on the raison d’être of justice, the praxis of Buddhist Law eliminates the antinomies and fills the gaps of State Law by means of the normative principles of coherence, unity and plenitude. But the courts of Maitriyana, as well as the role of the spiritual commune (sangha) during Buddhic Civilization, are mainly characterized by guaranteeing the fundamental rights, so that they are courts of Ethical Power  with positive (legitimating) and negative (delegitimating) functions with respect to the actions of the state powers (executive, legislative and judicial). This utopia of Buddhist Law transforms justice in the direction of the fundamental rights of liberty, equality and fraternity. Obviously, this implies that States will be subordinated to the fulfillment of fundamental rights, and not to their mere recognition. The courts of the Maitriyana are a great juridical utopia that will never be realized in a complete way, although certainly in each case judged it is realized in a partial form, because it is about a Path and never a finished construct. The Buddhist Law, as supra-state global constitutionalism, is deeply linked to the fundamental rights and never dissociates itself from the idea that world citizenship has universal access to Peace (Santi), justice, education and health. The constitutional legal dimension of Maitriyana is then integrated to the level of supra-state democracy and humanitarianism in which it is imperative to abolish war, poverty, ignorance and pollution. In the struggle for the Buddhist Law as a contemplative reason there is a realistic path towards the metapolitical juridical utopia, by glimpsing an emancipatory horizon of the human being in a clear and bright way. This ethical, juridical and metapolitical construction implies to surpass the limits of the national States, thinking from a globalized conscience whose support is liberty, equality and fraternity. The utopian juridical program carried out by the Maitriyana’s courts demands the ongoing struggle for higher principles of fundamental rights, such as the supreme human right to Peace (Santi), which is frequently violated by States and international bodies. As long as there is no righteous and adequate peace (Samma-santi), according to the point of view of the Buddhist Law, the international community will be failing, since violence and war -even when carried out for supposed ethical purposes- are unlawful and immoral acts. Although the Path of Peace (Santimagga) followed by Maitriyana is certainly difficult, for it implies the fulfillment of justice and the fundamental rights, there is no other alternative as long as the survival of the world is sought.

Throughout the whole of its practice and theory, the Buddhist Law has demonstrated a social engagement with world peace and the rule of righteousness (dhamma-cakkam), being totally against any form of war, even denouncing that those supposed holy, just, ethical and humanitarian wars are nothing more than false peace or inadequate peace. For this reason, the courts of Maitriyana are within the tradition of juridical pacifism, whose model goes beyond state sovereignty in proposing that Peace (Santi) is a supreme international regulation. In accordance with Ferrajoli, the Buddhist Law califies war as the absolute denial of human rights, performing a pacifist activism that has been recorded in numerous cases and sentences of the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights. With the same pacifist commitment of Gautama’s, the Maitriyana responds to wars by means of arguments that de-legitimize their validity and legality, which means extending the abolitionist logic to the international field. Thus, the juridical pacifism of Buddhist Law even transcends dialectically the works of great jurists such as Kelsen, Bobbio and Ferrajoli, producing a major rupture with respect to the principles of State Law, which tend to undermine the development of International Law. Like Ferrajoli, the Maitriyana affirms that there is a pluralism of the regulations of International Law, because there are international normative orders that are diverse and independent within which it is undoubtedly found the Buddhist Law. There are not only multiple state juridical regulations but also international ones, because the UN has failed to consolidate itself as the great framework of International Law. In this sense, the Maitriyana would agree with the jurist Kelsen in the fact that Customary International Law is a priority over any regulatory order. For this reason, the Buddhist Law has so much value for the world, being a customary legal system with two thousand six hundred years of practice and theory, protecting the citizenship with respect to the sovereign powers of the States, to which it is intended to limit in Representation of the fundamental rights. The legal pacifism of Maitriyana must criticize the antinomies of State Law that are contrary to the protection of the human right to Peace (Santi), also having to fill the absences of the normative guarantees. This conception leads Buddhist Law to consider that the war, poverty, ignorance and pollution that people suffer are juridical violations. In this way, the Maitriyana reformulates the International Law from a new ethical, abolitionist and restorative paradigm, criticizing the unfulfilled promises of the International Law of UN with regard to Peace (Santi) and human rights. The legal nature of Buddhist Law is then communal but also international, and it is precisely the prohibition of violence and war which is its constitutive norm, since conflict resolution must always be through righteous and adequate peace (Samma-santi). This implies a show of respect for the peace agreement in Colombia, even though it may be included as a possible proof of the present case, since restorative justice has the right to special jurisdictions in order to resolve international wars and conflicts. Thus the Maitriyana argues that legality and justice must be clearly guided by ethical values and never by mere conventional laws that often justify the perverse existence of legal, just or humanitarian wars. Within the juridical pacifist paradigm of Buddhist Law, the legal exercise of violence and war is contradictory to fundamental rights, since Peace (Santi) is the structural essence of justice. When the law is not at the service of the peaceful settlement of disputes, making a justified use of violence or war, then the law becomes illegitimate. The Maitriyana concludes that Peace (Santi) consists of the Perennial Law of human nature or intrinsic dignity, whereas war is only an artificial and irrational construction of the State. From this perspective, the use of violence should never be exercised by the individual neither by the State, so that the legal foundation of Buddhist Law is the prohibition of all forms of violence. In agreement with Ferrajoli, the Maitriyana considers that affirming the existence of supposed just, legitimate, ethical or humanitarian wars is nothing more than to appeal to the contradiction of ethical or humanitarian genocides. Thus, in line with Ferrajoli, it is established that humanitarian military interventions have purely terrorist connotations, and therefore any political or moral justification of war is illegal. Since the time of Master Gautama and King Ashoka, the Buddhist Spirituality has explicitly taught that conquest by means of armies must be abandoned, replacing that primitive mechanism with conquest by means of Law (dharmavijaya), disseminating the message of Peace and tolerance instead of war and hatred. The fundamental norm of Buddhist Law is the prohibition of war, and this prohibition is what Ferrajoli has proposed as a fundamental norm for all legal regulations of International Law. At the same time, the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights meets the idea of the jurist Kelsen to create an international court with universal jurisdiction that has the capacity to prosecute individuals. The juridical pacifism of Maitriyana also goes beyond the mere abolition of war (adandena asatthena), since not only proposes Peace (Santi) as a means of resolving national and international conflicts, but also conceives the close link between world peace, social justice, advanced education and environmental health. In this way, like Ferrajoli, the Buddhist Law is a pacifism concerned with the full compliance of International Human Rights Law, seeking the abolition of war, poverty, ignorance and pollution. This implies prohibiting and declaring armies and armaments as illegal, redirecting the huge military expenditures toward eliminating social inequality. Thus, the role of the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights is fundamental for the world, being an example of how a network of international legal institutions should be created to guarantee fundamental rights. The Maitriyana does not propose a unicentric and monist juridical globalism, but rather agrees with Ferrajoli in proposing a polycentric and pluralistic juridical cosmopolitanism, which is a multidimensional constitutionalism without State. This model of Buddhist Law is concretized around the four social dimensions of politics, economics, culture and environment, proposing multiple international legal authorities that are independent for the full compliance with the fundamental rights. This means that there should be hundreds of international criminal courts and hundreds of international civil courts, among others, instead of just having a single world court. Even there should be multiple constitutional courts to review the resolutions of international bodies such as the UN and UNESCO, as the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights is currently doing. Although International Law is still delayed by the predominance of State Law, the Maitriyana agrees with Ferrajoli in indicating the horizon toward which the international community should go. This practical Path of Buddhist Law is accompanied by the powerful Analytical-Existential-Libertarian Discourse (Buddha-Dharma-Sangha), which is capable of producing a global counterhegemonic transformation from the very foundations of society, ensuring the survival of humanity and Mother Earth through the fulfillment of the human right to Peace (Santi) and the human right to a healthy environment. In this sense, the validation of jurist Ferrajoli regarding the Permanent Peoples’ Tribunal movement is very encouraging, defending it as a way for society to do justice, to fight against impunity and to defend International Law. Therefore, this strong support falls on the Maitriyana and its Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights.

The political, economic, cultural and environmental changes that have taken place during the last two thousand and six hundred years in many places of the world have not led the Buddhist Law to abandon its spiritual traditions and ethical schemes. Even when making an adaptation of the language according to the times and challenges of the present, the Maitriyana is always maintaining the perennial core of Spirituality. For this reason, the Buddhist Law teaches the new generations how to fully enjoy Peace (Santi), social justice, education and health, rethinking the democratic system and the human rights. Faced with these essential themes the Maitriyana proposes a pragmatic and conceptual framework whose central axis is empathy, always identifying with the suffering of others. This means that the Buddhist Law is a metahistorical movement, since by positioning itself in the perennial heart of compassionate wisdom (karuna-prajna) it connects with the inner and outer world of every suffering sentient being. In this way, the Maitriyana maintains an enormous and unbreakable commitment to Truth, memory and justice, developing a peaceful and idealistic struggle for a better world. The starting point for this Path must be the empathic civilization, which is the development of peaceful and harmonious coexistence both between peoples and between humanity and nature. This goal leads to Buddhist Law and its pursuit of democratization and culture of justice. Currently, the Buddhist People have enjoyed two thousand six hundred years of history of culture of Peace (Santi), so that their experiences are vital for the future of humanity. Thus, the Maitriyana pathway is an absolute disregard for militarism, seeking to extinguish it completely through the Rule of Law and Righteousness (dhamma-cakkam). By propitiating the ethical transformation of society, the Buddhist Law is the main protagonist in establishing the empathic civilization, introducing and consolidating a systematic and generalized plan for the evolution of people. However, enormous challenges have to be faced in order to fulfill this Purpose (Dharma), having the duty to teach the individual to transform his or her daily behaviors and attitudes towards life. In this sense, the strengthening of liberty, equality and fraternity is a challenge that must be assumed both in the external world and in the internal world, avoiding falling into the superficiality of the mass media. Looking to the past and future, the Maitriyana gives form in the present to a democratic way that protects and evolves the human rights, being a foundational action of a new international order where the scourges of war, poverty, ignorance and pollution are adequately combated. Indeed, the framework of empathic civilization proposed by the spiritual masters allows addressing the ills of the world by considering the lessons of the past, the sufferings of the present and the goals of the future. The Buddhist Law, as a Global Ethical Power, has the duty to confront these conflicts, seeking the fulfillment of human rights in order to build a civilization of Peace (Santi) and solidarity.

The Maitriyana makes a critical analysis of how the regimes of the world perversely violate democracy and establish authoritarianism in the name of Peace (Santi) and justice. This is due to the complicity by omission of those who do not denounce evil and tolerate the great genocides of history. The contemporary world lacks adequate ethical leadership, for the major superpowers and even some Nobel Peace Prizes seem to be actively participating in crimes against humanity. This shows that there is currently a clash of civilizations between the present Capitalist Civilization and the Dharmic Civilization of the future. Because history is moving towards a political, economic, cultural and environmental evolution in the form of socialist libertarian democracy, which is the best possible social order, then there is a resistance of the current status quo with respect to the emergence of a luminous planetary new social order. There is undoubtedly a clash of civilizations between the contemporary materialistic civilization and the peaceful buddhic civilization that will inevitably emerge. This evolutionary inevitability is due to the fact that humanity is at a point in its history in which, if it does not accept the harmonious lifestyle (samma-cariya) based on peaceful coexistence, then it will disappear from the face of the planet through self-destruction based on world war, extreme poverty, illiteracy and the destruction of ecosystems. Therefore, there is a turning point in which the human being must make the following decision: to evolve or perish. Thus, if humankind will survive it will inevitably be due to an ethical transformation or spiritual evolution of the international community. The Buddhist Law is then a progress on the Path of Peace (Santimagga) toward the emergence of this new order of planetary justice. While the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights criticizes USA’s claim to be the world police, the Ethical Power of Maitriyana is undoubtedly in favor of building a universal Juridical Power in which all citizens and nations of the world are able to solve conflicts through appropriate peaceful means. This goal to which the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights contributes is the most important democratic norm in history, being the great legacy of spiritual masters so that the present and future generations may learn to live in equanimity and adequate tolerance. The Buddhist Law, despite having problematic relationships toward the authoritarian powers of the world, represents the ethical and contemplative use of reason, developing a space of peak knowledge (satori) that is countercurrent to the State control. In a world where many social activists are considered terrorists, clearly the Maitriyana’s socially engaged mission endangers or threatens the weaponry status quo. Although it would be foolish to characterize the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights as a terrorist movement, it is undoubtedly a pacifist tradition of civil resistance against the authoritarian governments that are violating human dignity and adequate liberty (samma-vimutti). These authoritarian regimes that have caused genocides, ethnic cleansings, crimes against humanity, crimes against peace and ecocides, have often been awarded with the Nobel Peace Prize, which is why the Buddhist Law has not hesitated to make an ethical judgment against the NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE. While the capitalist civilization does not lead to the vision of emancipated humanity, the Maitriyana proposes the construction of a new ethical universalism. Since the materialistic liberal universalism of the contemporary civilization has absolutely failed, which its greatest symptoms are terrorism and populism, the Buddhist Law is positioned beyond the left and right politics in proposing a libertarian socialist universalism as a solution to the great problems of the world which are wars, social injustice, ignorance and pollution. The Maitriyana works in the development of a new style of living for the Law (dhammacariya), seeking the reconciliation (maitri) of humanity both with itself and with the Mother Earth. This implies a psychic and social transformation of the human being, who must assume the guidelines of Peace (Santi), justice, knowledge and ecology, since otherwise humanity will self-destruct. Although the Buddhist Law does not have political and economic power, it certainly has an ethical and cultural power that is powerful enough not only to criticize the course of civilization but also to offer a new alternative pathway. The Maitriyana confirms that the global revolution will not come from the figures of workers, as Marxism mistakenly considered, but rather the future global revolution will come actually from those human beings willing to realize an existence of Peace (Santi) and respect for the entire human community and also toward all ecosystems. Therefore, in order to establish this new relationship with society and with nature, it is fundamental a radical change at the political, economic, cultural and environmental levels, being what the Buddhist Law calls the ethical evolution of human being. Only this spiritual revolution will guarantee world peace and the rule of righteousness (dhamma-cakkam) among the different nations of the world. In accordance with Hegel, Maitriyana’s ethics culminates into an act of heroism and self-sacrifice for the welfare of all sentient beings, which means a commitment to the criticism and correction of the violent relations between States. The task that is urgently imposed by the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights is to civilize the civilization, developing the rule of universal solidarity and mutual support among all the peoples of the world. The evaluations of Buddhist Law are necessary for the survival and evolution of humankind, overcoming the regime of materialistic expansionism to replace it with an international community of cooperation, altruism and libertarian socialism. In spite of the miseries of current civilization, the Maitriyana teaches that the idea of peace should not be perverted, and that its name should never be associated with the defense of war. The Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights is a transnational organization with ethical authority to use universal jurisdiction and to make that the sovereignty of the States is limited by the fulfillment of human and environmental rights. This Supreme Ethical Power that characterizes Maitriyana descends directly from the best spiritual traditions of the past, which even knew how to become authentic civilizations. The duty of the Buddhist Law is not to be an accomplice of human rights violators, but rather to fight for the defense of the most important ethical legacy in history, which is fundamental to the survival and evolution of humanity. In the contemporary civilization, the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights is increasingly alone, since even some Nobel Peace Prize laureates often violate human rights. However, even though Maitriyana is alone, only the Buddhist Spirituality can save the world.

Unlike the NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE, the Buddhist Law teaches the nations of the world how to cultivate inner Peace (ajjhatta-santi) and outer peace, conveying that righteous and adequate peace (samma-santi) can only be achieved through the three essential practices of contemplation (dhyana), compassionate wisdom (karuna-prajna) and ethics (sila). The Maitriyana trains the individual to become a peace champion (santi-raja), who can assume a position of tranquility and serenity in the face of the great adversities of existence, overcoming them through the peaceful resolution of conflicts, by the achievement of Evanescence (Nirvana) or Sublimation of greed, hatred and deceit. Therefore, the Buddhist Law is the Path of Peace (Santimagga), being deeply associated with the attitude of reconciliation (maitri) and solidarity, which is fundamental to be able to learn with equanimity, overcoming conflicts and never causing harm to others. This allows the individual to become a peace champion (santi-raja) that is someone who is empty of selfishness, dualism and consumerism, being free from attachments and determinations of the materialistic civilization. In this way, the Maitriyana or Path of Peace (Santimagga) is actually a harmonious lifestyle (samma-cariya) in which the subject learns to be a peaceful force of love, evolution and Awakening (Bodhi) toward all beings, instead of being attached to the Ego, the Ideology and the State. This obviously implies denouncing the contemporary civilization as a system of domination and exploitation for both the poor and the Nature. The practice of the Free and Enlightened Beings (Arhats-Bodhisattvas) is an absolute defense of peace (santi) in mind, in society and in the planet, because its action is a permanent revolution of contemplation (dhyana), compassionate wisdom (karuna-prajña) and ethics (sila) around the world. These practices are the true way of contributing to the righteous and adequate peace (samma-santi), by performing non-violent humanitarian actions and transcendental values that transform and evolve the human life. The Buddhist Law affirms that every individual has intrinsic dignity, which is the foundation of human rights, so that everyone can become Free and Enlightened Beings (Arhats-Bodhisattvas) provided that they practice friendship, empathy, tolerance, solidarity and coexistence with their fellow beings and the Mother Earth. In order to solve global problems at a political, economic, cultural and environmental level, humankind must ethically transform its consciousness, by following a harmonious lifestyle (samma-cariya) of peace, justice, knowledge and health.

In conclusion, the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights has the Purpose (Dharma) to defend True Peace in the world, which implies criticizing and correcting those organizations that promote a false vision of peace (santi). Therefore, it is confirmed that NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE is violating the Buddhist Ethics and the human right to peace (santi) by means of complicity with international criminals. Undoubtedly, the international organizations should be working together in the creation and maintenance of a pacifist civilization. But without ethical and spiritual guidance the organizations become corrupt, associating themselves with a degenerating vision of what is peace. Only by practicing the Path of Peace (Santimagga) taught by Master Gautama and other Awakened Beings (Buddhas) of history, the international organizations will be able to develop Peace (Santi) as a way to save humanity. In this way, the Case against the NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE is a supreme teaching for the entire international community, perfectly demonstrating what is the Righteous and Adequate Peace (Samma-Santi). When international organizations are guided by the Ethical Power of human rights and Buddhist Spirituality, then they become operators of transformation and evolution of the world.

Following the Path of Master Gautama, who is the model of the Gautama Peace Prize, the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights oversees that the international organizations that are responsible of being ethical leaders do not pervert themselves and do not attack against world peace and the rule of righteousness (dhamma-cakkam), so that the NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE has been sentenced as “Responsible” for CORRUPTION and COMPLICITY WITH CRIMES AGAINST PEACE.

 

With a spirit of reconciliation (maitri),

Master Maitreya Samyaksambuddha

President and Spiritual Judge of the International Buddhist Ethics Committee (IBEC) & Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights (BTHR)

Evidences of Case of Norwegian Nobel Committee

 

Case 26-2017: Norwegian Nobel Committee

 

By Master Yan Maitri-Shi, Prosecutor

 

HONORABLE JURY OF INTERNATIONAL BUDDHIST ETHICS COMMITTEE (IBEC) & BUDDHIST TRIBUNAL ON HUMAN RIGHTS (BTHR)

After Legitimating and Validating Evidences and Charges by Master Maitreya, President and Spiritual Judge of IBEC-BTHR, it is addressed the case against the accused party, NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE. This investigation was initiated from a Legal Opinion on Aung San Suu Kyi (Nobel Peace Prize) and also from a Judgment against United Nations.

The Charges by which the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights is accusing NORWEGIAN NOBEL COMMITTEE are enumerated below:

  • CORRUPTION
  • COMPLICITY WITH CRIMES AGAINST PEACE

 

Therefore, it is detailed a series of EVIDENCES that support the Charges referred so that the Jury members decide about the possible “Responsibility”, “Innocence” or “Insanity” of the accused. Such evidence come from graphic and audiovisual media that have been gathered, sorted and confirmed in their order and context as Means of Proof in order to know, establish, dictate and determine the Responsibility of the Accused for committing the aforementioned Charges.

The procedure established in the Statute of INTERNATIONAL BUDDHIST ETHICS  COMMITTEE & BUDDHIST TRIBUNAL ON HUMAN RIGHTS provides both bodies the ostentation to enjoy independence and liberty from state and national regulation and control, besides having the legality and acting as a Buddhist People in order to assert its customs, traditions, practices, procedures, judgments and rights as well as acting in pursuit of the development of Spirituality, of Buddhist Ethics, and of the defense of International Human Rights. This procedure has the particularity, singularity and distinction of having “Special Jurisdiction of the Tribal Law” and “Universal Jurisdiction of the International Law”, thus having the Character, Juridical validity, Legal Powers, infrastructure, Training and Capability necessary to be Actor, Administrator and Executor of Justice in this realm and exercise, by judging of the Accused by means of an Ethical Judgment whose Purpose is Truth, Reconciliation and Learning.-

 

DETAILS OF EVIDENCES

EVIDENCE 1: NOBEL PEACE PRIZE TO Aung San Suu Kyi

EVIDENCE 2: NOBEL PEACE PRIZE TO PEACEKEEPING FORCES, UNITED NATIONS (U.N.) and SECRETARY-GENERAL KOFI ANNAN

EVIDENCE 3: NOBEL PEACE PRIZE TO US GOVERNMENT (President Woodrow Wilson, Secretary Cordell Hull, Secretary Henry Kissinger, President Carter and President Obama)

EVIDENCE 4: NOBEL PEACE PRIZE TO EUROPEAN UNION

EVIDENCE 5: NOBEL PEACE PRIZE TO THE COLOMBIA AGREEMENT WITH the FARC

EVIDENCE 6: OMMISSION OF AWARDING TO PACIFISTS

EVIDENCE 7: BETRAYAL the purpose of the Nobel Peace Prize

EVIDENCE 8: Grave Embezzlement

EVIDENCE 9: CRIMINAL COMPLAINT FOR THE ILLEGAL ADMINISTRATION OF THE NOBEL PEACE PRIZE

EVIDENCE 10: LACK OF INDEPENDENCE

EVIDENCE 11: NOBEL PRIZE TO ADOLFO PEREZ ESQUIVEL

 

 

Overview of the Case

Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights: The Nobel Peace Prize is the most important Award in the world during the last 110 years. However, in the recent decades, this Award has been corrupted, since heads of militarized States have been rewarded with Peace Prizes, betraying the will of Alfred Nobel. Our investigation reveals that the Committee which delivers the Peace Awards has come under political and economical pressures, ignoring the legal requirements of the Peace Prize by promoting its own personal interests instead of the humanitarian view that Alfred Nobel had.

 

EVIDENCE 1: NOBEL PEACE PRIZE TO Aung San Suu Kyi

Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights: Aung San Suu Kyi is the de facto President of Myanmar. This government has been founded Responsible of Genocide, Ethnic Cleansing and Crimes against Humanity. Since Aung San Suu Kyi has received a Nobel Peace Prize, the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights has requested the Norwegian Nobel Committee the cancelation of this Prize. However, they have not reply to this international legal request yet.

 

EVIDENCE 2: NOBEL PEACE PRIZE TO PEACEKEEPING FORCES, UNITED NATIONS (U.N.) and SECRETARY-GENERAL KOFI ANNAN

Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights: The United Nations (U.N.) and the Peacekeeping Forces has been founded Responsible of Genocide, Crimes against Humanity, War crimes, Corruption, Violations of the International Human Rights Law, and High Crimes against World Peace. However, they have received a Nobel Peace Prize by the Norwegian Nobel Committee.

 

EVIDENCE 3: NOBEL PEACE PRIZE TO US GOVERNMENT (President Woodrow Wilson, Secretary Cordell Hull, Secretary Henry Kissinger, President Carter and President Obama)

Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights: The Nobel Peace Prize has awarded to President Woodrow Wilson, who was racist against black-Americans and also signed bills making sterilization compulsory for criminals and mentally ill people. The Nobel Peace Prize has awarded to Secretary Cordell Hull, who during the Second World War denied asylum to Jewish refugees, who returned to the Nazi government of Germany. The Norwegian Nobel Committee has delivered a Nobel Peace Prize to Secretary Henry Kissinger, who has participated in War Crimes during the war against Vietnam. The Nobel Peace Prize has been granted to President Carter, delivering the prize during the War Crimes of the former USA President George W. Bush in Afghanistan. The Norwegian Nobel Committee has delivered a Nobel Peace Prize to President Obama, who has performed bombing in several countries, like Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Syria and Yemen.

Timothy Alexander Guzman: “The Félix Houphouët-Boigny Peace Prize in 1994 and the Nobel Prize in 2002 were both awarded to former US President Jimmy Carter.  Carter supported the dictatorship of the Shah of Iran and The Somoza dictatorship of Nicaragua.  He also supported Indonesia’s Suharto militarily and diplomatically during the invasion and occupation of East Timor.  Under President Carter, US Military Aid to Suharto’s Military increased under Carter causing the deaths of over 200, 000 East Timorese.  UNESCO’s Félix Houphouët-Boigny Peace Prize and the Nobel Peace Prize are in fact an insult to “World Peace”.  UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) and the Nobel Peace Prize have both proved that “Western political influence” dominate both prizes.”[1]

Amy Goodman: “Sunday’s march against the European Union came three years after thousands of protesters filled the streets here in Oslo opposing the 2009 peace prize winner, President Obama, who received the award at a time he was overseeing the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. For years, the Norwegian Nobel Committee has faced criticism over its secrecy and selections, perhaps most notably in 1973, when Henry Kissinger won the award. (…) Henry Kissinger won the Nobel Peace Prize, famous as the national security adviser, then secretary of state for President Nixon, very well known for Vietnam War in which, what, 55,000 U.S. soldiers, millions of Cambodians, Laotians, Vietnamese died; supported the dirty war in Argentina against the people. (…) President Ford and Secretary of State Henry Kissinger met with Suharto the long-reigning dictator, and gave the approval for the invasion of Timor.”[2]

Fredrik Heffermehl: “I mean, this prize is probably the most scandalous ever, but it created huge discussion and criticism afterwards. But I think the prize for Obama—he gave the probably most eloquent and brilliant speech that has been held on Norwegian soil when he accepted the peace prize, but I have analyzed his statements and his arguments, and I think they are disgusting, and they are a defense of American interventionism and aggressive wars everywhere and whenever they like.  I think there has not in the history of the Nobel Peace Prize been a worse affront to the memory of Alfred Nobel than the speech that Obama held. (…) There is an alternative to military control of people. I mean, really, this is in the interest of people all over the world in throwing off the yoke of militarism, or what you call the burden of militarism, and organize a much better world for everyone. (…) The peace prize shall go to the person who shall have done the most or the best work for brotherhood between nations, for the abolition or reduction of standing armies and for the holding and promotion of peace congresses.  And what the committee has been doing is to say that this—they have not been concerned with the aspirations of the will at all. They have said, This is a peace prize, and we’ll give it for anything we think is useful for peace. That means, in practice, the Norwegian parliament has taken over the money entrusted by Nobel for this purpose of a disarmed world and used it for whatever they like. And they are then—of course, since they are very devoted to the NATO alliance and to the United States’ foreign policy and wants, so the prize has come to serve the exact opposite of what it was intended to serve. This is very unpopular in Norway, to really—nobody wants to address the truth about the purpose of the peace prize, which is to support the work for breaking the military tradition and creating a global peace or demilitarized global peace order. It’s a very radical idea. But it is, of course, very far from that which is cultivated by the political establishment of Norway and of the U.S. and of the European Union nations, for instance. That is the problem with the prize for 2012 for the European Union, that nowhere in their policy and programs can you find any mention of working for a global—demilitarized global order, peace  order—nowhere. And you find the exact opposite, that they are promoting arms research, production and development and trade, and they are developing a European army, European rapid deployment forces, battle groups, etc., etc. So, they have a program which is the exact opposite of the purpose of the prize.” [3]

 

EVIDENCE 4: NOBEL PEACE PRIZE TO EUROPEAN UNION

Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights: The Norwegian Nobel Committee has awarded the European Union with  a Nobel Peace Prize. However, European Union has been involved in the war activities of the NATO and also in selling arms to conflict zones. For this reason, other Nobel Peace winners (like Archbishop Desmond Tutu) have protested about this Prize for the European Union. Moreover, the European Union has recently rejected thousands of refugees, which is a crime against humanity.

Nigel Farage, leader of the UK Independence Party: “I think it devalues the whole concept of the Nobel Peace Prize (…) What’s really happening is the EU’s having its worst year ever and it’s got its mates in the international community coming to its aid.” “This goes to show that the Norwegians really do have a sense of humour. The EU may be getting the booby prize for peace because it sure hasn’t created prosperity. The EU has created poverty and unemployment for millions.”

Martin Callanan, the British Conservative frontman: “The Nobel Peace Prize was devalued when it was given to newly-elected Barack Obama. By giving the prize to the EU the Nobel committee has undermined the excellent work of the other deserving winners of this prize.”

Elsa-Britt Enger, 70, a representative of Grandmothers for Peace: “Alfred Nobel said that the prize should be given to those who worked for disarmament, (…) The EU doesn’t do that. It is one of the biggest weapons producers in the world.”

Tariq Ali, political commentator and editor at the New Left Review in Europe: “The Nobel Committee never fails to amuse and dissapoint”

Petros Constantinou, a municipal councilor in Greece who runs a prominent anti-racism group in Athens: “ridiculous and provocative. (…) “To give the prize to an institution of war and racism is ridiculous, (…) It provokes democratic and anti-racist sentiment. With its partner NATO, the EU has invaded countries in the Middle East, not to mention Afghanistan. Its actions have created huge streams of refugees which then flood into countries like Greece and when they get here they not only encounter racism but hostile EU [border] agencies like Frontex.”

Stavros Polychronopoulos, retired lawyer: “I think it’s unfair,” “The leader of the E.U. is Germany, which is in an economic war with southern Europe,” “I consider this war equal to a real war. They don’t help peace.”

Wolfgang Grenz, General Secretary of Amnesty International Germany: “Europe’s sealing-off policy is partly responsible for the deaths of (refugees) human beings in the Mediterranean Sea” (…) “And after they’re caught in the Mediterranean in theory they would have to get access to the asylum proceedings in a member state of the European Union. But very often, that doesn’t happen” (…) “The Romany don’t have the same access to our system of education, to the health system, to accommodation, to the labor market like other citizens.” “That’s a very sensitive spot, where the EU has to do a lot more in the future.”

Dimitris Kodelas, Greek lawmaker: “When we heard that the Nobel Prize for peace will be given to the European Union, we first thought it was a joke, especially because this comes in days when mainly the peoples of South Europe are living with the results of a financial war, and their countries are turning to colonies of debt with deprived citizens and looted national wealth. (…) One-third of the society in Greece is below or at the edge of poverty. Is it ever possible that the initiators of this situation are given awards? (…) Mrs. Merkel is going to receive the prize. Instead of peace prize, she should be awarded the prize of neoliberal fundamentalism. ”

Hedda Langemyr, director of the Norwegian Peace Council: “The EU is a consolidation of strong powers and strong national powers. And it’s more difficult to divide between the member state actions and the EU as an institutional force. But I think both in our press releases and also in our presentations today, we’ve made it very clear that it is not only the member states that do export weapons, and it’s not only the one —member states facilitating the weapon industry, but it’s also EU on an institutional level. And that is the main reason, at least I’m here today, to contradict this prize.”  “I was very surprised. And I was surprised because not long ago we also had a strong negative reaction to the prize in 2009, when Obama received it. Last year, when it was given to Tawakkul Karman and Gbowee and Sirleaf Johnson, we, maybe naively, hoped that the Nobel Committee was on better thoughts and had better intentions for the prize. However, it was—it was a big disappointment for us, because we believe that this year’s prize contradicts with Nobel’s will and the intentions for the prize. (…) They haven’t done that much for peace the last year, and they are actively facilitating armament, processes which contradict with the disarmament component in Nobel’s will. (…) the member states of the EU, they have had an enormous increase in the weapon industry. This goes for Turkey. It goes for—well, particularly, it goes for Germany. The EU member countries also represent about one-third of the global arms export in the world. And there are nuclear weapons placed in five different EU countries. What the EU as an institution does to facilitate this is through something called the ICT Directive that was introduced this year. So the year they’re receiving the Nobel Peace Prize, they are launching a directive that facilitates weapon industry and export through making the industry a part of the internal market, which means that it’s much easier for the EU member countries to avoid their national legislators on this. So, it’s liberalizing the conditions for weapon production and export.”

 

EVIDENCE 5: NOBEL PEACE PRIZE TO THE COLOMBIA AGREEMENT WITH the FARC

Human Rights Watch: “The Agreement on Victims of the Conflict between the Colombian government and Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC-EP) guerrillas will ensure that those responsible for atrocities on both sides of the conflict escape meaningful punishment, Human Rights Watch said today in an analysis of the 63-page agreement. Under the agreement, announced by government and FARC negotiators in Havana on December 15, 2015, a new Peace Tribunal would try those responsible for grave crimes committed during the armed conflict. Those responsible for crimes against humanity and serious war crimes who cooperate with the new judicial system and confess their crimes would spend a maximum of eight years under special conditions (…) But a close look at the text reveals a tangle of ambiguities, omissions, and loopholes that make these references seem, at best, an empty promise. The government and FARC announced in September that these special conditions would not entail prison time. The December 15 agreement establishes that these will under no circumstances include any form of detention equivalent to prison, and limits all restrictions on liberty to what is necessary for performing restorative and reparative projects to benefit victims. No international tribunal has allowed convicted war criminals to evade prison for these types of serious crimes, Vivanco said. The new agreement goes even further by ensuring they will not face any remotely serious form of punishment. Since 2004, the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) has been conducting a preliminary examination of crimes in Colombia that could fall within the court’s jurisdiction. In 2014, the ICC prosecutor reported that it had informed the Colombian authorities that a sentence that is grossly or manifestly inadequate, in light of the gravity of the crimes and the form of participation of the accused, would vitiate the genuineness of a national proceeding, even if all previous stages of the proceeding had been deemed genuine. In 2006, Colombia’s Constitutional Court ruled that demobilized paramilitaries who had benefited from reduced sentences of up to eight years under the Justice and Peace Law should serve their sentences in ordinary prisons. The court noted that the right to justice could be affected by the perception of impunity derived from adding to the already significant sentencing benefits in the law other benefits in the execution of the sentence that would undermine it entirely. The ICC prosecutor and Colombia’s Constitutional Court should carefully review this agreement to ensure that victims receive the justice they truly deserve, Vivanco said.”[4]

Human Rights Watch: “Under the agreement announced by government and FARC negotiators in Havana on December 15, 2015, a new Special Jurisdiction for Peace – made up of a Peace Tribunal and Judicial Panels that determine which cases go to trial – will be established to handle “grave violations of human rights and humanitarian law” committed by FARC guerrillas. The new jurisdiction would also cover crimes committed by state agents that are related to the armed conflict and connected to it. According to Defense Minister Luis Carlos Villegas, these would include the systematic execution of as many as 3,000 civilians – known as false positive cases – committed by army brigades across Colombia between 2002 and 2008. (…) The agreement sets out a regime of sanctions to be used by the tribunal that do not reflect accepted standards of appropriate punishment for grave violations and make it virtually impossible that Colombia will meet its binding obligations under international law to ensure accountability for crimes against humanity and war crimes.  Punishment for Perpetrators? Colombia has an obligation under international law to provide punishments for human rights violations and serious violations of the laws of war that are proportionate to the gravity of the crimes.[5]  The practice and statutes of international tribunals show that this principle requires imprisonment – deprivation of liberty – for crimes against humanity and war crimes.[6]  The less the conditions of punishment in the agreement resemble those of actual deprivation of liberty – including limited areas of confinement, and effective control and supervision of those detained – the more likely it is that Colombia will be in violation of its obligation to provide adequate punishment.  Alternatives to prison? The agreement states categorically that perpetrators who confess to atrocities will be exempt not only from prison or jail, but also from any equivalent form of detention. They will instead be subject to sanctions that have a restorative and reparative function – as opposed to a punitive one – and entail carrying out projects to assist victims of the conflict. (…) The only restrictions on freedoms and rights that the confessed perpetrators will face are ones that are necessary for [the] execution of these restorative and reparative sanctions. (Perpetrators who refuse to confess, provide incomplete confessions, or confess only after a trial is underway will face prison sentences.) Restrictions on movement? Confessed perpetrators will apparently be required to reside in the places where the sanctions will be carried out. While the agreement establishes that their whereabouts will be monitored, it appears to allow them to engage in any movement that is compatible with the fulfilment of the sanctions. The agreement even allows the possibility of movement that is not compatible with the fulfillment of the sanction, provided that it is authorized by authorities within the Special Jurisdiction for Peace. (…) Duration of sanctions? According to statements by the Colombian government – including the joint statement with the FARC on September 23 announcing a preliminary agreement – confessed perpetrators would be subject to sanctions lasting five to eight years. However, the new agreement appears to allow them to be released from any restrictions on their liberty in an even shorter time. The new agreement also refers to a five-to-eight-year range for sanctions to perpetrators that had a decisive participation in the worst and most representative crimes, but it qualifies the five-year-minimum with language that appears to suggest that it refers specifically to the reparative and restorative projects. Then it states that a determination could be made that the sanctions have been carried out based either on a pre-established period or instead according to results, such as, for example, the completion of the construction of a certain infrastructure [project]. While the agreement states that such a determination will be without prejudice to the duration of the sanction imposed by the tribunal, this caveat would not appear to prolong the restrictions on liberty, given that these restrictions would no longer be necessary for carrying out the completed restorative and reparative project.    Consequences for non-compliance? In September, the government stated that confessed perpetrators who failed to comply with the conditions imposed by the Peace Tribunal would lose the benefits of the special jurisdiction. But the new agreement does not include any such language. It does state that perpetrators who fail to make full confessions will be denied benefits, and it mandates a system of verification of compliance with sanctions, including appropriate monitoring and supervising mechanisms and periodic reports to the Peace Tribunal. However, the agreement does not refer to any consequences for confessed perpetrators who fail to comply with the sanctions, thus leaving open the possibility that they will be able to continue enjoying the benefits of the special jurisdiction even if they disregard the conditions ordered by the Tribunal.  Criminal Responsibility of Military Commanders? Under international law, military commanders can be found criminally liable for a human rights crime carried out by their subordinates if it can be shown that they had effective control of the subordinates, had knowledge or reason to know about the commission of the crime, and had the means to prevent the crime and/or ensure it was properly investigated. The agreement provides a definition of command responsibility that is very similar to the established definition in international law. However, it contains two ambiguous phrases that could potentially be interpreted to provide loopholes that would allow military commanders within the Colombian armed forces and the FARC to avoid any accountability for atrocities committed under their watch. First, the agreement provides that liability on the basis of command responsibility requires knowledge based on the information at their disposal before, during and after the realization the respective conduct. Under international law, commanders’ knowledge includes both actual knowledge and constructive knowledge –that which they should have known or had reason to know. It is essential that both forms of knowledge are covered by the scope of command responsibility set out in the agreement and to be applied by the tribunal. Second, the wording of the agreement is that liability also requires “the effective control of the respective conduct. While effective control is an essential element of command responsibility, under international law control refers to control over subordinates who have committed the offending conduct, not over the specific actions themselves. It is essential that the correct legal definition and scope of effective control be used by the tribunal. The Constitutional Court has already explicitly recognized the form and scope of command responsibility liability in international law and contained in the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court when it upheld Colombia’s ratification of the statute. Failure to adhere to proper international law interpretation would mean commanders could contend that they are not liable, per command responsibility, because there is no evidence to prove that they had either effective control over the acts or actual knowledge of the crime. This would place Colombia in violation of its international obligations. Restrictions on Holding Political Office? Under Colombian law, perpetrators of crimes against humanity should be barred from holding or running for office while serving their sentences. However, the agreement states categorically that confessed perpetrators will not be subject to any restrictions on their political rights, including the right to run for political office. The government and the FARC will negotiate reforms to the Constitution to make this possible. Human Rights Watch submits that nobody who is serving a sentence upon conviction of a war crime, crime against humanity, or serious human rights violation should be able to run or hold public office while serving that sentence. An Independent Tribunal? For any judicial process to be credible and legitimate, the body interpreting and applying the law must be independent, structurally and in practice, with sufficient safeguards to ensure it is free from undue political interference or influence by the parties to the matters its must resolve. The agreement provides no such guarantees. It does not indicate how the members of the Special Jurisdiction – including the Peace Tribunal – will be selected, nor by what criteria, or even the basic safeguards to be used in developing criteria to secure an effective, independent, and impartial tribunal. It states only that the FARC and the government will establish the mechanisms and criteria for selection by mutual agreement and before the signing of the final accord. (…) The lack of guarantees regarding the independence of the Peace Tribunal are particularly troubling given the gravity of the crimes over which it has jurisdiction and the obligations of justice owed to the victims. The tribunal will amongst other things be responsible for resolving many of the crucial questions outlined above, if they are not previously reformed. (…) While the agreement does not describe the legal situation of perpetrators not selected for prosecution, the government has announced that state agents who do not have a major responsibility in the worst and most representative crimes could have their sentences suspended or face no prosecution.”[7]

José Miguel Vivanco, Executive Director of Human Rights Watch, Americas Division: “Recent polls in Colombia show that President Juan Manuel Santos could lose a national plebiscite to approve the peace accord his government is negotiating with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) guerrillas.  Should he lose, it will be thanks largely to his predecessor, former President Álvaro Uribe, who has become the prominent critic of the deal, arguing—among other things—that it fails to guarantee justice to victims of atrocities committed by the FARC. This is unfortunate—first and foremost, because Uribe is at least partially right: the justice deal the parties reached last December will allow FARC commanders to get off the hook for the many atrocities they committed. But given his own record on human rights as president, Uribe is the last person you’d want to champion the cause of accountability in Colombia. Thousands of victims have suffered systematic atrocities at the hands of the FARC. Their leader, alias Timochenko, has been convicted in at least 10 cases for crimes that include child recruitment, terrorist attacks, kidnappings, and murder. With the agreement as it stands, Timochenko and the guerrilla fighters under his command could avoid spending a single day in prison if they confess their war crimes. Instead, they would be subject to modest and short restrictions on certain rights while being required to carry out community service projects. Perhaps more troubling, the agreement includes a definition of command responsibility —a key principle of international humanitarian law—that could be misused to allow FARC commanders to escape responsibility for atrocities committed by troops under their control. Yet when Uribe’s the one championing the rights of victims, any criticism of this seriously flawed deal risks being dismissed as self-serving hypocrisy. After all, during his administration (2002-2010), army brigades systematically murdered thousands of civilians, who were then reported as enemies killed in combat in what are known as false positive killings. As a senator, Uribe recently introduced legislation that would release members of the army convicted for these crimes. As president, Uribe also negotiated a peace deal with the leaders of right-wing paramilitary groups responsible for mass atrocities that would have guaranteed them full impunity, if the country’s Constitutional Court hadn’t intervened. That deal resembled the deal the current government has negotiated with the FARC in important ways. What Uribe doesn’t mention—and what too often gets left out of the debate—is that the FARC agreement will also promote impunity for members of the armed forces, including many of those responsible for the false positive killings. It could also benefit the paramilitaries Uribe sought to shield from justice more than a decade ago. When the current president, Juan Manuel Santos, took office in 2010, many feared his government would continue Uribe’s legacy of disregarding the rule of law. After all, he had served as Uribe’s defense minister. Santos broke with Uribe, however, rejecting many of his predecessor’s most problematic policies—including Uribe’s open disregard for the independence of the country’s judiciary. But unless Santos fixes the deal with the FARC, he will go down in history as the president who accomplished what Uribe sought but failed to deliver: a facade of justice that guarantees impunity for atrocities in Colombia.”[8]

 

EVIDENCE 6: OMMISSION OF AWARDING TO PACIFISTS

Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights: The Norwegian Nobel Committee has never delivered Nobel Peace Prizes to pacifist people like Einstein, Gandhi, Ambedkar, Thich Nhat Hanh, Thomas Merton, Sivaraksa, Daisaku Ikeda and many others spiritual masters and social activist of world peace.

 

EVIDENCE 7: BETRAYAL the purpose of the Nobel Peace Prize

Virginia Moffatt: “Nobel didn’t want us to go twisting his legacy – he wanted to give the prize to the people who spend their lives doing everything they can to end war. (…)  Interestingly Nobel never described the Peace Prize as such, but rather as a reward for those who worked for the brotherhood of nations, the abolition of armies, and the development of peace congresses – the champions of peace. Unfortunately, as Heffermehl clearly demonstrates, over time this aim has been subverted. Although the early Nobel Committees often gave awards to people who didn’t quite deserve them, recent decades have seen a staggering 60% of unjustified recipients. It is no coincidence that things changed once the Norwegian Parliament (who were given oversight of the prize in the will) voted to take control of membership of the Committee. Since then its members have frequently voted (…) for people who work for peace through the use of state-sponsored violence (Arafat, Peres, Rabin, Sadat, Obama). Heffermehl is one of the few people who has actually bothered to read Nobel’s will, which is why he is so sure its message has been distorted. In many ways this is a lament for what might have been, what the peace movement could have done with the publicity and money if the prize had gone where it should have. It’s a travesty that this important prize was awarded to Kissinger but not Gandhi and that the author’s challenge to the Norwegian Establishment has fallen on deaf ears.”[9]

Fredrik S. Heffermehl, director of Nobel Peace Prize Watch: “Since writing a book with a legal analysis of Aflred Nobel’s intention I have been reminding the world that the will Nobel wrote in 1895 is decisive in all questions about the prizes, even though it’s been frequently ignored. If the testament covers an issue, one may debate the wisdom of Nobel, but he is dead and the will is final. If it doesn’t cover an issue, the floor is open. He said all five prizes should go to those who have conferred the greatest benefit on humanity. Above all the will is important on the core question of who can win. Surprisingly many seem to think that to answer such questions they just need to go to the will and make sense of what the words mean – to them. But legal interpretation is about what the testator intended and requires extensive study of evidence and circumstance. What counts in law is what the words must have meant to Nobel irrespective of the words he used, said the Swedish jurist Torgny Håstad. So, does Nobel’s will require that the prize only recognize achievements? A mere linguistic analysis of the words is not conclusive. More helpful is to note that all his five prizes should go to those who have conferred the greatest benefit on humanity, and also consider the zeitgeist of boundless optimism and hopes of changing the plight of mankind through major inventions. As he signed the will he also took steps to buy a Swedish liberal paper, writing that he wished to end armaments and other remnants from Medieval times, this is also evidence of what went on in his head in 1895. The will´s most helpful word to identify Nobel´s intention is that prizes were to benefit the champions of peace and the evidence, mainly letters, show that by this expression he meant the movement for ending armaments through co-operation and nations relying on courts of law instead of strength in the battlefield. These ideas for a specific new, peaceful world order were inspired by Nobel’s friend, the prominent peace advocate Baroness Bertha von Suttner. As long as the Nobel committee is loyal to his vision of peace, I would allow it considerable leeway. But without even considering the question of achievement or aspiration, neither President Obama nor President Santos should be considered the champions of peace who Nobel had in mind. Nobel envisioned global disarmament, not mere resolution of national conflicts, as Santos tries to accomplish. And since receiving his prize, Obama has hardly pursued such a path.”[10]

Fredrik S. Heffermehl, director of Nobel Peace Prize Watch: “The interpretation that Nobel’s intention was to break the vicious tradition of militarism, is indisputable – and undisputed. The response from Parliament and Nobel committee has been silence or nonsense. Scott London joins the many who are eager to ignore my documentation of Nobel’s intentions and how miserably Norwegian politicians have betrayed his will and misused the prize for their own political ideas and other irrelevant interests. When, in 2007, I rediscovered, hidden behind years of mismanagement, the true purpose of the prize, it filled me with enthusiastic hope. The new global order that Nobel once had in mind responds to a dream shared by people everywhere on the planet, but with the present lack of direction and profile the “Nobel” prize will do nothing to combat militarism and build a world security system that is not as flawed and illusory as the one we have today. Respecting what Nobel had in mind the would make a most important and useful prize. (…)Norway is unlikely to be much worse than other countries, but my criticism was met with a deafening silence that proved my point. (…) The conclusion that the Norwegian awarders have consciously ignored Nobel and have done so since the end of WWII, is both undisputed and indisputable. The transcripts from the private diaries of Gunnar Jahn (Chair 1942-1966) speak clearly of disregard for the mandate, as do numerous public statements by later committee chairs about the committee’s own (not Nobel’s) concept of peace. (…)It makes me extremely sad to see so many – even after the purpose has been explained in my books – continue to squander a visionary prize. In the book I mention that the decline of the Nobel prize seems to be part of a pattern where access to influence and political power requires dropping any serious challenge to the military. All attempts to free the world from the yoke of militarism seem to succumb rather soon to overwhelming political force”[11]

 

EVIDENCE 8: Grave Embezzlement

Daniel Schwartz, CBC News: “In his will, the wealthy Swedish inventor Alfred Nobel left money to fund what would become among the most famous prizes in the world, the Nobel Peace Prize. Nobel was unmarried and had no descendants when he died on Dec. 10, 1896. Given the huge sums of money involved, the will was controversial. (…) That’s because of the prize Nobel wanted to be presented each year to the most worthy of the champions of peace. Nobel wrote in his will that his peace prize should go to the person who shall have done the most or the best work for fraternity between nations, for the abolition or reduction of standing armies and for the holding and promotion of peace congresses. (…)Heffermehl’s 2010 book includes a report card on the first 120 peace prizes. He grades 50 awards as not justified. Since 1963, when the Red Cross won (unjustifiably), to 2009, he rates 37 of the 61 winners as not meeting Nobel’s criteria. Heffermehl is quite critical of the Norwegian Nobel committee, the body that chooses the Peace Prize winners. U.S. President Barack Obama was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2009, 11 months into his presidency. He accepted the prize uncomfortably, acknowledging his role as a leader at war while insisting that conflict could be morally justified. Nobel said in his will that a five-person committee elected by the Norwegian parliament should select the champions of peace. However, Heffermehl said, the five members oppose the idea of the will. Instead of people dedicated to disarmament — to the idea of Nobel — the parliamentarians are taking the seats for themselves, he said, adding it’s rather corrupt. (…)While the Norwegian committee decides on the winner, it’s the Nobel Foundation in Sweden that sends the winner a cheque. In early 2012, at Heffermehl’s request, the authority in Sweden that oversees foundations conducted an investigation which, he said, led to the Nobel Foundation recognizing that they are the ones who bear the final and ultimate responsibility for all funds being used in conformity with the purpose. Later that year the committee across the border in Norway awarded the Nobel Peace Prize to the European Union, infuriating Heffermehl, who sees the EU as supporting the use of military means as the road to peace. Four past laureates —South Africa’s Desmond Tutu, Northern Ireland’s Mairead Maguire, Argentina’s Adolfo Pérez Esquivel and the IPB— joined Heffermehl and others in protesting the choice. They wrote that the EU is clearly not ‘the champion of peace’ that Alfred Nobel had in mind when he wrote his will. German Chancellor Angela Merkel and French President François Hollande and other EU leaders at the 2012 ceremony to present the Nobel Peace Prize to the European Union, a choice that has led to legal action against the Nobel Foundation. (…) Today on their website, The Nobel Foundation says it does not have the right or mandate to influence the nomination and selection procedures of the Nobel laureates. Heffermehl disagrees, arguing that if the foundation doles out the money to someone outside the scope or purpose Nobel stated, that would constitute misappropriation of funds, an illegal payment for which the board members become personally liable. He has been pursuing several legal angles and on Sept. 21 in Stockholm, he and his colleagues initiated court proceedings against the foundation’s board members over the 2012 prize. In that case they are asking the Stockholm city court to declare the 2012 payment to the EU an illegal use of the foundation’s funds. Heffermehl said they are still awaiting a response from board members.”[12]

 

EVIDENCE 9: CRIMINAL COMPLAINT FOR THE ILLEGAL ADMINISTRATION OF THE NOBEL PEACE PRIZE

Fredrik S. Heffermehl: “Oslo, April 8, 2014. ØKOKRIM, The Norwegian National Authority for Investigation and Prosecution of Economic and Environmental Crime. C. J. Hambros plass 2C. 0164 Oslo, Norway. REQUEST FOR INVESTIGATION AND PROSECUTION.  – UNLAWFUL MANAGEMENT OF THE NOBEL PEACE PRIZE. Thanking you for the meeting on 26.3 2014 with Thomas Skjelbred, the Deputy director of ØKOKRIM, I am glad that the Norwegian National Authority for Investigation and Prosecution of Economic Crime will look into potential criminal aspects of the Norwegian management of the prize for the champions of peace (fredsförfäktare) established by Alfred Nobel. We follow up with this letter of accusation. Those who bear particular responsibility for the misuse of the Nobel Prize are the Nobel Committee chair, Thorbjørn Jagland, and the committee secretary, Geir Lundestad. Their acts may be violations of the Penal Code § 255, jf. § 256 (grave embezzlement) and § 275, jf. § 276 (grave breach of trust). Enterprise liability based on § 48 a is also a possibility, considering subsection 2 that includes foundations in the concept enterprise in subsection 1. GENERAL BACKGROUND FOR THE REQUEST. Prosecution is not an end in itself. But after six years of work, countless requests to the Norwegian Nobel Committee, the Swedish Nobel Foundation, the Norwegian and Swedish Foundation Authorities to have the prize awarded to winners that meet the requirements of the Nobel testament, we see no other solution. The historical backdrop in this case is that Swedish inventor and industrialist Alfred Nobel in his later years took a keen interest in the cause of peace. He created the prize for the champions of peace to provide financial support for the efforts to abolish the military in all countries, and replacing power with law in international politics. Over the years, the Nobel Committee has forgotten the testament and the prize has been awarded more and more frequently to other people and organizations than the intended beneficiaries. This is illegal and punishable. The prehistory of this request is the following: The demand that the Nobel Committee must examine its mandate and the purpose of the prize was first put forward in an article in Aftenposten on August 14, 2007,see Attachment 1. A legal analysis of the purpose was presented in the spring of 2008, in letters both to the Nobel Committee and the Parliament, by the then President (later the Nobel chair) Thorbjørn Jagland. I have since researched and substantiated the demand for a change of the selection policy and a full replacement of the committee members in the book Nobel’s will (Vidarforlaget, 2008). The Nobel Prizes have been awarded since 1901, but this book is the first known legal assessment of the award’s purpose. It was followed up with a greatly expanded book in English, The Nobel Peace Prize. What Nobel Really Wanted (…). All attempts to have an honest and genuine debate about the prize and the mandate have failed. During six years, the Committee has not once related to 1) the legal significance of the testator ‘s intention, or 2) what kind of peace work Nobel wished the prize to support, and 3) the term champions of peace (fredsförfäktare). Neither Parliament nor the Nobel Committee has shown any interest in what Nobel intended. This made it necessary to try also complaints to the public agencies for the monitoring of foundations. (…) Many will undoubtedly have reservations to raising questions with political implications with the police. They should be resolved through the ordinary course of public debate. I fully agree. But for democracy and the rule of law to function some preconditions are indispensible. In this case, the Nobel Committee has refused to take any account of the Nobel testament as a limitation of its freedom of action. Solicitations that they award the prize in accordance with the will – even orders from a public authority that they do so – have had no effect. Freedom of speech becomes of no value when those entrusted with societal power do not heed protests based on solid documentation of criminal conduct and abuse of power. Perhaps the most serious in this matter is that the subjects of this complaint seem to feel free to push ahead confident that society’s law enforcement agencies will not enforce the laws against them. The case therefore raises fundamental questions of democracy. Politicians are elected on a mandate and must, like everyone else, abide by the laws. This is elementary and should, of course, not least be clear to Jagland. In the Nobel case (…) violates the very values of democracy and rule of law (…). As evidence in the case I filed, in the meeting with ØKOKRIM, my Swedish book on the Nobel Peace Prize and a four-page resume of salient points. Both in that resume (dated March 26, 2014) and in the following references to pages are – unless otherwise stated – to my Swedish book on the Nobel prize. (…) LEGAL BASIS. The law is not a problem in this case. According to the Inheritance Act § 65, what the testator meant – his subjective will – is to be implemented. What Nobel actually meant is a question of evidence. The political ideas and concepts of the period are the key to a correct understanding of Nobel´s purpose. Studying the evidence I discovered a concept that Nobel had used in the testament, but nobody had noticed. Nobel used the expression the prize for the champions of peace about the recipients, and this is the simplest and safest intake to the testator´s intention. Clear evidence of how Nobel understood the concept champions of peace are found in his correspondence with Bertha von Suttner. Nobel had reacted with strong enthusiasm to the Suttner bestseller Lay down your arms (1889), he joined her Austrian society of the friends of peace as a member, supported her work financially and promised her to do something great for the movement (60-61). The prehistory of the will is well summarized in the book Kenne Fant wrote on Alfred Nobel (…). By the will Nobel made a clear choice of side in the battle between two diametrically opposed views on the possibility of an agreement between all countries in full disarmament. The two views are described as follows in a contemporary report from the peace conference in The Hague in 1899: In the debate on ending armaments two world views were clearly exposed: Those who believed in the road of trust and cooperation were opposing those praising the old belief that nothing other than weapons can solve international conflicts. This latter category did their best to sabotage the deliberations. (quoted from Heffermehl, The Nobel Peace Prize, What Nobel Really Wanted, p. 21). Ragnvald Moe, secretary of the Nobel Committee (1910 to 1946) wrote in his work in French on The Nobel prize and the peace movement (Aschehoug, 1932) that the language in the final will was chosen to cover more fully the various aspects of the work of the peace movement of the 1890s (p. 99). This clear evidence makes it superfluous to discuss the three terms fraternity / disarmament / peace congresses in Nobel’s will. (…) Nobel left to the Parliament of Norway the appointment of five members of the award committee because our Parliament at the time of Nobel was a leader in promoting the peace program Nobel wished to support. There still are people supporting the idea of creating a disarmed fraternity of nations (p. 265-267), and they are more important than ever. But today the Parliament holds the opposite view. There is bipartisan consensus in Parliament on an increase of the military budget from year to year. The testament is the same, but the majority in Norwegian politics has abandoned the Nobel approach, and misuses his funds to freely promote their own ideas, a unison belief in and commitment to military strength and power games as the way to an enduring peace. This abuse of the Nobel money has become possible by cultivating the concept of a general Peace Prize and the idea that they are free to design its content, completely disconnected from Nobel ‘s intentions and the rules of law on how wills must be read (what Nobel meant). (…) One important element of this record has been the committee’s broad definition of peace, enough to take in virtually any relevant field of peace work. . . . although the Norwegian Nobel committee never formally defined peace, in practice it came to interpret  the term ever more broadly. (original text is in English, quoted from Heffermehl The Nobel Peace Prize, What Nobel Really Wanted, p. 77).  (…) The thought that Nobel´s own description and intention might be of any importance does not occur to him at all. Such a practice is not even close to being called an interpretation, it completely ignores Nobel and his will. Nobel´s purpose obviously bears no weight. (…) The specific idea of the Nobel prize is a choice of route, to create peace through disarmament, the opposite of peace through armament. This idea does not change over time, but the committee´s use of the concept Peace Prize has continued unaffected by all requests to the Nobel Committee to study the testament and implement the intention of Nobel.  (…) DISCRETION TO PROSECUTE AND ØKOKRIM´S PRIORITIES. During six years working with the Nobel testament, I have become more and more concerned with what the practice and selections tell us about a decline in democratic culture and respect for the rule of law. When the Norwegian book, Nobel ‘s will (2008), had no effect it was followed up with a second book in English (2010), supplemented by a part II which is using the responses to my criticism of the Nobel Prize as a case study of power and politics. My conclusion is clear: the attitudes Jagland and Lundestad have toward the law, power, and the legal rights of political opponents is problematic. Democracy and the rule of law depends on an honest, fact-based and truth-seeking debate to function. The first reaction of Jagland, in a letter to me June 24, 2008, was that the Parliament had not passed any act on the Nobel prize and therefore could not be in breach of law (p. 144). Jagland has never changed this bizarre attitude, in actual practice he has, both in selections of winners and public debates a.o. with me, acted as if the laws are without any interest as a frame that political activity must be kept within. (…) The core of the problem with the Jagland and Lundestad management of the Nobel prize was formulated already in a short article in Dagbladet on October 28, 2008, where Gunnar Garbo, a former Member of Parliament for the Liberal Party and a Norwegian ambassador, wrote on the book Nobel ‘s will (2008): A conspicuous silence surrounds the accusation that Fredrik Heffermehl has directed to Parliament and the Nobel Institute in his recent book Nobel’s will. …. What Heffermehl documents, is something that not only the awarders, but most of us have overlooked: that those who manage Nobel’s will are not entitled to interpret the purpose of the award in their own best judgment. They are bound by law and justice to select the winners that best correspond to what the testator meant. (…)  Fredrik Heffermehl accuses the Norwegian awarders of breaking the laws. They can keep silent, but they cannot silence him away. A serious accusation requires a response. Either they must prove that his legal and ethical arguments do not hold. Or they have to admit that he is right and change their practice accordingly. This is a moral challenge not only to the committee, but to the Norwegian Storting as well. Central to the democratic rule of law is the framework of law that politics and politicians are bound to operate within. If a political majority violates the law and neither the political nor the administrative control mechanisms do work, the institutions established to enforce the law are the last barrier to ensure people the protection of the law. Such considerations are strong grounds of principle for ØKOKRIM to accommodate the request for an investigation to be opened. The democratic rule of law is a method of non-violent conflict resolution, based on, inter alia, that everyone must obey the law. The obligation to comply with the law should not at least be clear to the legislators, they are not themselves above the law. This is elementary. But this is precisely how Thorbjørn Jagland has acted in this matter. Since June 2008 he has consistently behaved as if he has full confidence that the laws will not be enforced against the Nobel Committee. In a similar way Geir Lundestad obviously expects that so few will react that the committee does not have to consider the will of Nobel, but is free to define his own Peace Prize. When the Swedish Foundations Authority emphasized that the will has to be followed and that the supreme and final responsibility rests with the Nobel Foundation in Stockholm the Norwegian Committee must have realized that it has a problem. The purpose of having an application submitted to Kammarkollegiet was, according to Lundestad in a statement to me in June 2013, to ensure that the Norwegian committee should be completely free from all constraints – also from Nobel and his will. The statements of Lundestad on the historical aspects of the purpose of the peace prize appear odd coming from a professor of history. The unwillingness to show any interest in Nobel’s purpose and to consider evidence and arguments regarding Nobel´s purpose has lasted for more than six years. The determination to break the law has thus been firm and enduring and it is hard to believe that the two have acted in good faith. Finally; Those entrusted with social power cannot be permitted to operate without respect for democracy and the rule of law. Ignoring dissent and mowing down dissidents is a dangerous path to embark on. If we allow such norms to become political standard, how much democracy do we then have?”

 

EVIDENCE 10: LACK OF INDEPENDENCE

Pieter de Wilde: “If the prize and its committee remain so clearly Norwegian, perhaps the rest of the world should reconsider the esteem it holds for the prize. The Nobel Peace Prize simply reflects the latest fad in Oslo, like the Oscars reflect the latest fad in Hollywood. We can value such a prize and celebrate its laureates, but we should be aware of the particularistic cultural and political background in which it is given.”[13]

Jonathan Mann: “There’s a certain nuance here, and help me with it, because the Chinese simply don’t believe it … The chairman of the Norwegian Nobel Committee is the former prime minister in this country. Every member of the committee is either a former member of the Norwegian parliament or former cabinet member of the Norwegian parliament. They are chosen for their positions by the Norwegian parliament. So, if the committee is not an office of the Norwegian government, it is nonetheless an offspring of the Norwegian political class (…) It speaks for a certain way of thinking, it speaks for the way Norway’s leaders think. You can understand why the Chinese might not care, really, where the punctuation is. It looks very much like another aspect of the government of Norway”

Ingvild Johnsen: “Ronald R. Krebs criticises the tendency to award “aspirational” prizes. He sees these prizes as political tools where the goal is to institute change rather than award achievements, one prominent example being the 2009 prize to Barack Obama (…) I focus on how the border between the committee and the state has been drawn, challenged and redrawn. The chapter shows that even though the committee has been distanced from the Norwegian state, it is still closely connected to Parliament. The practices of, and discussions in, Parliament, demonstrate that the distance is not as large as it is presented in the public sphere. (…) I establish how the prize gives Norway status internationally, and by implication how the peace prize can be seen as a part of foreign policy. This chapter gives an explanation of why it is so important for Norwegian authorities to keep the prize close. In line with the general development that states increasingly govern from a distance, we have seen an increasing distance between the Nobel Committee and the Norwegian state. But, in addition to the blurring of the dividing lines between state and society there are empirical reasons for rejecting the committee’s independence. While many would claim that today the committee is completely independent, I argue in this thesis that it is so closely connected to the Parliament, to Norwegian identity, and to Norwegian foreign policy and international status that it cannot be seen as independent. (…) The contribution of this thesis to the literature is that it links the question of the committee’s independence to theories of the state. I argue that the committee and the prize can be seen as parts of a peace ISA (Ideological State Apparatuses), which upholds Norwegian identity. I also demonstrate how the paradox that the government claims that the committee is independent while official practices and discourse in fact tie the prize closely to the state can be seen as one effect of this ISA (Ideological State Apparatuses) (…) it provides the justification for claiming that the peace prize is closely linked to Norwegian foreign policy and status. (…) I thus use statements and descriptions of action to support my claims that the Nobel Committee and the peace prize are closely connected to the Norwegian state, identity and foreign policy. (…) The aim here is to support two main claims about the Nobel Committee and the peace prize through looking at actors’ statements and practices: That the way of thinking one is socialized into in the state is brought into the Nobel Committee by its members, and that central actors in Norwegian politics construct the committee and peace prize as part of the state. (…) political representatives contradict themselves when they both say that the committee is independent and that it is an expression of Norwegian values and politics (…). Although the committee formally has been distanced more and more from the Norwegian government, its members are still chosen based on the relative strength of the political parties and they are still mostly former members of the Parliament or the cabinet. In other words there has never been a non-Norwegian in the committee despite the fact that it has been debated several times – even the very first election committee in 1897 considered this question. What the review of the history of the committee and the prize will show is that both practices and what has been said have often emphasized a connection between the prize and Norway instead of a distinction. (…) It could be argued, in other words, that the Nobel Peace Prize has played a central role in Norwegian nation building, and that it is still an important part of Norwegian identity. (…) Since 1905 this situation has changed drastically, and the tension between foreign policy and the prize has grown – “the highly political nature of the peace prize” has been exposed. The Nobel Committee itself cannot acknowledge this tension, and there are also others who see the prize as independent. (…) Some choices “fitted well into government policy” while other candidates might have been ignored because they would conflict with it, the non-award to Ghandi being a possible example (…). But the whole ‘Nobel system’ was established at a time when Norwegian diplomacy was at its most intense period. The Nobel Institute even functioned as a semi-diplomatic tool during the process which led to Norwegian independence. In a politically tense period the Institute was valuable because the people there were well-connected, they had close ties to the political elite (and to some extent consisted of it), and could communicate the Norwegian stance to other states (…). The award to Roosevelt in 1906 was one of the most controversial awards in the history of the prize. The official reason why he received it was the role he played as a mediator in the Russo-Japanese war and his support of the international court at The Hague. Advisor to the Nobel Committee, Halvdan Koht, wrote a negative report on Roosevelt: In Koht’s opinion, Roosevelt believed that US expansion was ‘a great blessing for all mankind, and even though it may take place with armed force and injustice, he believes that it will ultimately create peace and happiness.’ Chairman Løvland became foreign minister in 1905, and more than one source speculates that his dedication to Norwegian foreign policy was the reason Roosevelt received the prize. (…) But based on other sources, “idealistic peace thoughts and pragmatic Norwegian foreign policy seem to have been decisive in this case.” (…) American media also reacted to the prize. The New York Times wrote that “a broad smile illuminated the face of the globe when the prize was awarded …  to the most warlike citizen of these United States” (…) Asle Sveen writes about the period from 1919 to 1931 that “it was necessary for the candidates to have advocates among the members of the Nobel Committee in order to have a chance of being chosen … Another qualification to get the prize was to be of significance for Norwegian foreign policy.” Two illustrating examples are the prizes in 1925 and 1926 which were awarded the US Vice President and prominent members of the foreign ministries of Great Britain, France and Germany. Geir Lundestad sees this as an “effort by the committee to strengthen Norway’s relations with the four international powers that mattered most for its interests.” (…) Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Johan Ludwig Mowinckel, who was now a member of the committee, found that he could achieve more than one goal with the prize. At the time, Norway was pursuing an expansionist policy in the Arctic and Antarctic regions, and was trying to avoid conflicts with Britain among others. (…)  Foreign Minister in Argentina Carlos Saavedra Lamas won the 1936 prize. The Norwegian ambassador to Argentina, Rolf Andvord, worked hard to convince the committee that he deserved it. Saavedra Lamas was delighted with the news and ambassador Andvord took advantage of this goodwill towards Norway. He approached the laureate expressing a wish for a reduction on Argentinian customs duties on Norwegian stockfish, “Saavedra Lamas instructed his civil servants to respond favourably to the Norwegian initiative, and negotiations on the matter began.”100 A deal was agreed upon that secured lower duties for Norwegian fish in return for reduced duties on Argentinian apples. (…) Since 1977 it has been common that former politicians are members of the committee. Currently, four out of five are former members of parliament, the other is a former state secretary, two of them have also served in a cabinet, and their political background is from four different political parties. The chairman Thorbjørn Jagland (the Labour Party) is former Prime Minister, Foreign Minister and speaker of the Parliament. He is also currently the secretary general of the Council of Europe. (…) Nordlinger sums the system up as follows: “In brief, the Norwegian people elect the Parliament, and the Parliament elect the committee. Therefore, we can say that the committee is a reflection of the Norwegian people and its political culture.” (…) the committee cannot reflect the balance of power between political parties in Norway and recruit its members exclusively from the political elite and still claim to be independent. (…) It seems as if the large parties in the middle of the political spectrum are more likely to support the arrangement as it is, perhaps because members of the committee are selected on the basis of the parties’ size in the Parliament? In either case, none of these practices can be seen as a clear demarcation between the Nobel system and Norway the state, here in the shape of the Parliament and its representatives. (…) After Obama won the prize in 2009 Erik Bergesen wrote that even if he was a devoted Obama fan, it was his experience from comedy that provided him with the best perspective on the prize. The prize inspired a new expression – Thorbjørned – which seemingly means to overwhelm someone with an award they don’t think they deserve and which constrains their freedom of action. (…) To the Stoltenberg government it was also an opportunity to show that Norway is on good terms with this great power. It was in short an opportunity to practice diplomacy, and the peace prize provided an excellent frame for it. When someone as important as the American president visits Norway, all talk of independence of the prize is less important. And of course, it would be strange if Stoltenberg did not meet Obama. But if it was very important to underline the demarcation between Norway and the Nobel system, it would be better to keep diplomatic meetings and the awarding of the peace prize separate to a larger extent. (…) Jan Egeland expressed that it was something that could not take place because the Nobel prize “is the most important international award. If it at any time looked as if this is a prize which is adapted according to Norway’s national interests, it would be worthless.” (…) In a press release from the prime minister’s office on the announcement of the prize, it is stated that “Norway enjoys close and extensive cooperation with China. Our ties are longstanding and cover all the areas that link our countries together. Discussions of human rights issues are part of these relations (…) Norway has raised Liu Xiaobo’s case with the Chinese authorities on several occasions.” Hence there is a continual blurring of the distinctions between Norway the state and the Nobel peace prize, even as its independence is upheld. (…) The prize is a product of the ‘political climate’ in Norway all the while the committee members are almost a perfect, aged, replica of the Parliament. (…) During the first years of the Nobel Peace Prize there was no real separation between the Nobel system and the Norwegian government and foreign policy. Instead, the Nobel Institute was an important ‘foreign policy institution’ in the years before and after 1905. Also in the following decades it was common for government ministers to be members of the committee, a practice which did not end until 1937 when it was added to the statutes that ministers could not take part in Nobel Committee meetings while still in office. (…) there seems to be some resistance in the Norwegian parliament to cutting all the bonds to the committee: 1) Candidates are still proposed on the basis of the composition of the Parliament – the relative strength of the parties – which could almost be seen as a kind of ‘parliamentarism.’ (…) 2) Most members have a clear connection to the party which proposed them and are in many cases former parliamentarians and/or former ministers. As has been seen throughout history, the effect of this is that there is a mutual loyalty between members of the committee who don’t want to disappoint their fellow party members, and those members of the Parliament. (…) In other words, bonds of loyalty to the internal political groupings in Norway seem to be the basis upon which members are nominated and elected to the Nobel Committee. Once they are in the committee, those bonds will continue to exist. (…) Chairman of the Nobel Committee, Thorbjørn Jagland, also serves as Secretary General of the Council of Europe. He has been criticised because of this dual role, most recently by professor of law, Eivind Smith, who said that Jagland’s impartiality should be questioned. Smith, and researcher Julie Wilhelmsen, pointed out that Jagland would be inhibited by his role as secretary general in awarding the peace prize to a Russian dissident, for instance, Russia being one of the members in the Council of Europe. He could definitely not give the prize to the council itself which illustrates that there is a dilemma connected to the two roles. Smith pointed to the saying that it is not enough for justice to be done; it must be done in a visible and trustworthy manner. (…)The Nobel banquet is a formal dinner to honor the laureate: (…) The symbolism in having a private audience with both the King and the Queen and the Prime minister increases the impression that the Nobel Prize is closely related to the Norwegian state. (…) As an addition to this infrastructure, the Nobel Peace Center was opened in 2005, a center with exhibitions and lectures to inform about the prize, its winners, and the promotion of peace in general. It was officially opened by the Norwegian King “as part of the celebrations to mark Norway’s centenary as an independent country.” It is not strange that important events are marked by the presence of the Royal family or the Prime Minister, what becomes clear is that the distance between the Norwegian state and the Nobel Prize is highly ambiguous and that this is reflected in both discourse and practice. Seemingly, one is blind to the fact that linking the opening of a center informing about the peace prize to the independence of Norway communicates that there is a strong link between the two, involving more than questions of where the prize is awarded. (…) As such, it is “another aspect of the government of Norway.” Even if Norway is a pluralistic society, both the government and the majority of Norwegian opinion agreed with the peace prize. This view is in line with Geir Lundestad’s more pragmatic observation that the Nobel committee’s choices have reflected the general political orientation in Norway. (…) Even though the committee is not officially a part of state bureaucracy, it functions as an apparatus which upholds all that Norway is. In contemporary Norway, the peace tradition and identity as a nation for peace is confirmed and repeated in political statements and speeches, while the Norwegian people also adhere to this image of Norway. (…) What this ISA interpellates in individuals is simply the Norwegian identity which involves a tautological logic that binds the Nobel Peace Prize to the whole concept of what Norway is and should be. (…) One of its effects is that the Norwegian identity as a peace nation seems immune to empirical evidence, (…) has shown that defence and military organization was integrated in the peace discourse, which already had established what Norway’s external relations were like. Norway can wage war but remain a peace nation, because Norway only fights the ‘good wars.’ Almost all aspects of war are left out of public discourse. (…) n Norway, war and peace are not established empirically, but categorically. In this way Norway’s identity legitimises waging war – because these wars are only military operations to create peace and democracy (…) The concept of ISA can also explain why Norwegian politicians in reality confirm Chinese allegations when they state that Norwegian policy is consistent with the values of the Nobel committee and peace prize, seemingly without realizing it themselves. In addition, through practices such as the winner’s meetings with the Royal family and the Prime Minister, the link between Norway and Nobel is amplified. (…) one could also say that the Nobel Committee and the peace prize is simultaneously constructed as both independent from, and connected to, the state. The ‘state’ seems unable to decide whether they are “within the competencies of the state” or not. The reason, which is elaborated in the next chapter, is that these two institutions provide Norway and Norwegians with an identity with which they can recognize their own place in the world. If the prize was in fact to become independent, it would be a tragedy. (…) In light of the practices and discourses of Parliament and other central political representatives I have concluded that the committee and the prize is so closely connected to the state that it cannot be seen as independent. What I am going to delve into in this chapter is how the Nobel Peace Prize functions in the foreign policy construction of Norway, and how it can be seen as something which gives Norway status and ‘puts Norway on the map’. This chapter in this way gives a broader view of how the peace ISA functions in Norway, through identity, foreign policy and status seeking. (…) Norway is a ‘peace nation’, it sets itself apart by being a ‘good power’, by donating large sums of money to development, and by facilitating peace and reconciliation processes around the world. The peace prize can be seen as the cherry on top of Norwegian foreign policy. In short, it is an invaluable ‘foreign policy tool’ (although it can cause problems in the foreign ministry as well as ease their work), a diakritikon which marks Norway as different, and something which confirms and upholds Norwegian identity. As such it is also something which gives Norway status. (…) the Nobel Peace Prize effectively communicates Norway’s place in the world. The prize also displays Norway as a good power in two senses: The prize emphasises Norway’s moral authority and mission, and it displays Norway as a good partner in international politics. (…) the Norwegian government is trying to balance two seemingly contradictory goals: To separate Norwegian politics and foreign policy in particular, from the prize and the committee, while keeping the prize as Norwegian as possible. (…)The conception of Norway as an altruistic state is probably the oldest self-image. (…) As Pharo writes the Nobel Peace Prize is one of the symbols which bring life to the Norwegian identity as a peace nation. This is also clear in the way former Prime Minister Kjell Magne Bondevik talks of the prize: To me it is a vision that Norway will be a nation promoting peace. I see the awarding of the Nobel peace prize, which takes place each year here in Oslo, as a powerful reminder of the importance of international peace efforts. The peace prize demands commitment from the nation which hosts it. (…)  Under the current administration one has toned down the notion of Norway as a humanitarian superpower, but the notion of the peace nation and the policy of engagement have not been abandoned. (…) My argument here is that the peace prize is interlinked with Norwegian identity and Norwegian foreign policy. The link with foreign policy consists both in that the peace prize is important for Norweigan status and image (next section) and because it functions in a specific way in politics. (…) the (Nobel) prize is used politically when there is room for it. (…)This leads to the (rhetorical) question: how can the Nobel Peace Prize be seen as a tool in public diplomacy and status seeking? First of all we have seen that it is closely connected to the other ways Norway seeks to be visible and gain status on the world stage, namely to the promotion of peace. It is also one of the elements of this promotion which is most widely recognized outside Norway’s borders. Second, it gives Norway a yearly event, not in the size of the Olympics but still of some magnitude, which brings a lot of state leaders and foreign journalists to Norway, and which makes Norway world news each October and December. (…) the 2010 prize enhanced Norway’s status as a moral power. It was also in line with another part of foreign policy, the human rights dialogues with China. (…)Taking into account how the Nobel Peace Prize gives political opportunities and gives Norway a place on the world stage it seems obvious that the peace prize is one of the most important status tools Norway possesses. (…) the values underlying foreign policy in general have been in line with the prize. (…) In Norway, the peace prize is constructed as part of the Norwegian state through practices and discourse despite the fact that politicization of the prize is harmful both for Norwegian foreign policy and the prize itself. The reason why central actors do not seem to realize this fact is that the peace ISA is such a central part of what Norway is, and gives Norway a place in the world. (…)Today it is difficult to speak of the committee as independent because it is a part of a larger foreign policy consensus – it is a part of the way Norway’s leaders think.”[14]

Jay Nordlinger: “Then there is the question of moral arrogance, vanity: Are Norwegian officials and intellectuals prone to it? Sure …Norwegians sometimes lecture, preach, and scold, in addition to guide. They relish their role – usually self-appointed, and in one case Nobel-appointed – of arbiter: of judge of the world.”[15]

 

EVIDENCE 11: NOBEL PRIZE TO ADOLFO PEREZ ESQUIVEL

Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights: In the Case against the Venezuelan Supreme Tribunal of Justice, the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights created a Legal Act on Adolfo Perez Esquivel (Nobel Peace Prize), since he is endorsing the Human Rights Violations performed by the President Maduro of Venezuela.

 

[1] Timothy Alexander Guzman, When “War is Peace”: “Peace Prizes” Awarded to War Criminals

[2] Amy Goodman, A “Radical Idea” Reversed: Author Says Nobel Committee Has Betrayed Founder’s Anti-Military Intent.

[3] Amy Goodman, A “Radical Idea” Reversed: Author Says Nobel Committee Has Betrayed Founder’s Anti-Military Intent.

[4] Colombia: Agreeing to Impunity. Government, FARC Deal Sacrifices Victims’ Right to Justice. https://www.hrw.org/news/2015/12/22/colombia-agreeing-impunity

[5] See e.g. Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (Convention against Torture), adopted December 10, 1984, G.A. res. 39/46, annex, 39 U.N. GAOR Supp. (No. 51) at 197, U.N. Doc. A/39/51(1984), entered into force June 26, 1987, ratified by Colombia on December 8, 1987, art. 4; Inter-American Court, Manuel Cepeda case, Judgment of May 26, 2010, Inter-Am Ct.H.R., Series C. No. 213, para. 150; Inter-American Court, Heliodoro case, Judgment of August 12, 2008, Inter-Am Ct.H.R., Series C. No. 186, para. 203; Inter-American Court, Rodríguez Vera et al case, Judgment of August 14, 2014, Inter-Am Ct.H.R., Series C. No. 287, para. 459; International Criminal Court, The Office of the Prosecutor, Report on Preliminary Examination Activities 2014, December 2, 2014, para. 114; United Nations, Updated Set of Principles for the Protection and Promotion of Human Rights through Action to Combat Impunity, E/CN.4/2005/102/Add.1, February 8, 2005, Principle 1.

[6] See e.g. Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (Rome Statute), A/CONF.183/9, July 17, 1998, entered into force July 1, 2002, art. 77(1); Statute of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY Statute), S.C. Res. 827, U.N. Doc. S/RES/827 (1993), as amended, http://www.icty.org/x/file/Legal%20Library/Statute/statute_sept09_en.pdf (accessed December 19, 2015), art. 24; Statute of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR Statute), S.C. Res. 955, U.N. Doc.S/RES/955 (1994), as amended, http://www.ohchr.org/EN/ProfessionalInterest/Pages/StatuteInternationalC… (accessed December 19, 2015),  art. 23; Statute of the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL Statute), January 16, 2002, http://www.rscsl.org/Documents/scsl-statute.pdf (accessed December 19, 2015), art. 19.

[7] Human Rights Watch Analysis of Colombia-FARC Agreement, https://www.hrw.org/news/2015/12/21/human-rights-watch-analysis-colombia-farc-agreement

[8] Colombia Peace Deal’s Unwelcome Critic. https://www.hrw.org/news/2016/08/16/colombia-peace-deals-unwelcome-critic

[9] Virginia Moffatt, Review of the book The Nobel Peace Prize: What Nobel Really Wanted by Fredrik S. Heffermehl.

[10] Fredrik S. Heffermehl, Nobel’s Will Determines What the Peace Prize Should Recognize.

[11] Fredrik S. Heffermehl, Peace prize – Norwegian politicians more visionary than Nobel?

[12] Daniel Schwartz, Nobel Peace Prize committee accused of ignoring what Alfred Nobel wanted

[13] Pieter de Wilde, The Homemade Nobel Peace Prize: Why the European Union is This Year’s Winner

[14] Ingvild Johnsen, Conceptualizing the State Within: Norway, the Nobel Committee and the Nobel Peace Prize

[15] Jay Nordlinger, Peace, they say.

REPORT ON the Initiation of Investigation of the ICC

CASE 24-2017: SUPREME TRIBUNAL OF JUSTICE OF VENEZUELA & President Maduro
REPORT ON the Initiation of Investigation of the ICC

On October 21, 2018 the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights is reporting on the situation of crimes against humanity that is taking place in Venezuela because of the immoral and criminal leadership of Dictator Maduro and the Supreme Tribunal of Justice of Venezuela. In fact, the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights has already sentenced them as RESPONSIBLE for the charges of VIOLATION OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL DEMOCRATIC STATE OF LAW, VIOLATION OF THE INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS LAW, COUP D’ÉTAT, CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY, TRANSNATIONAL ORGANIZED CRIME, CRIMES AGAINST PEACE, AND SUPREME OFFENSE AGAINST INTERNATIONAL MORALITY AND THE SANCTITY OF LIFE.
The Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights has historically considered that the crimes against humanity carried out by the criminal government of Venezuela should be judged by the international community, especially by the International Criminal Court (ICC).
The Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights confirms that a group of countries —among which are Argentina, Peru, Chile, Paraguay, Colombia and Canada— have revalidated the ruling of the Buddhist Tribunal by requesting the International Criminal Court (ICC) to formally investigate Venezuela for committing crimes against humanity.
The Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights agrees with President Trudeau of Canada that the humanitarian crisis in Venezuela is catastrophic and is affecting millions of people.
The Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights considers that the international community has already carried out adequate investigations on the Venezuela Case, not only because of the dozens of reports from non-governmental organizations, but also because of the report of the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and the report of the group of experts designated by the Organization of American States, all of which have demonstrated the existence of extrajudicial executions and other types of crimes against humanity committed by President Maduro and the rest of the executive high command, which implies that any delay of the International Criminal Court (ICC) in investigating and prosecuting Venezuela will constitute an act of negligence and impunity in the face of human rights violations such as assassinations, arbitrary detentions, torture, sexual abuse and enforced disappearances.
The Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights states that according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) more than 2 million people have fled Venezuela since 2014, which is a product of Dictator Maduro’s criminal leadership.
The Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights affirms that in October 2018 the Venezuelan government of Dictator Maduro not only extra-judicially murdered the politician Fernando Albán, who was kidnapped by the SEBIN Intelligence Service, but even covered up his murder by making him go through a suicide, which is another example of the criminality of the tyrannical regime of Maduro, as stated by the former Attorney General Luis Ortega Díaz.
The Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights requests the prosecutors and judges of the International Criminal Court (ICC) to understand the following: each day that they delay in investigating and prosecuting Dictator Maduro of Venezuela, new deaths will occur, and each of these new deaths will also be a responsibility of the ICC for not having avoided the tragedy or fulfilled its duty of justice, and this will not go unpunished before the International Buddhist Law.
The Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights is an autonomous body that responds to the legal system of the Buddhist Nation and is also mandated to respect the fundamental freedoms and natural rights of all sentient beings on the planet, acting as an ethical supervisory body in the world.
Always with spirit of Reconciliation (Maitri),
H.E. Master Maitreya Samyaksambuddha
President and Judge of the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights

LEGAL WARNING to Secretary General Luis Almagro

CASE 24-2017: SUPREME TRIBUNAL OF JUSTICE OF VENEZUELA & President Maduro

LEGAL WARNING to Secretary General Luis Almagro

Dear Secretary General Luis Almagro of the Organization of American States (OAS), as a result of your recent statements in which you publicly announced that a foreign military intervention in Venezuela should not be dismissed, on September 15, 2018 the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights has the duty to point out that you are committing the crime of Apology of War and Coup d’état, ignoring the commitment to peace and non-interventionism that the OAS has historically manifested.

While it is important to condemn Venezuela and Dictator Maduro, such as the Buddhist Tribunal has done in sentencing them as Responsible for Violation of the Constitutional Democratic State of Law, Violation of the International Human Rights Law, Coup d’état, Crimes against Humanity, Transnational Organized Crime, Crimes against Peace, and Supreme Offense against International Morality and the Sanctity of Life, however, Secretary General Luis Almagro is urgently requested to remember that the overthrow of Venezuela’s criminal government should be carried out through the appropriate means of international law, peace and democracy, and should never be carried out through the inappropriate means of war, military interventionism and imperialism. Secretary General Luis Almagro must understand that if Venezuela’s Dictator Maduro has committed human rights violations and crimes against humanity, this fact does not justify his overthrow by means of a military intervention, since he should actually be tried before international courts, which would prevent war conflicts and deaths, in addition to ensuring that there is no impunity. In the event that the International Criminal Court (ICC) remains obsessed with only investigating and prosecuting African States, guaranteeing the impunity of Dictator Maduro, in that case, Secretary General Luis Almagro is recommended to file a criminal complaint against Maduro in any local court from a country where there is universal jurisdiction, such as Mexico and Argentina, which would allow to investigate this Dictator for crimes against humanity and eventually require his international arrest before INTERPOL. Evidently, Dictator Maduro of Venezuela’s immoral civic-military regime is totally responsible for the humanitarian and migratory crisis that has produced more than 2 million Venezuelan refugees, although this fact does not legitimize any type of military option violating International Law, especially the human right to peace. In case there are no changes in the warlike position of Secretary General Luis Almagro, the Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights shall publicly request his resignation.

With spirit of reconciliation (maitri),

Master Maitreya Samyaksambuddha

President and Spiritual Judge of the International Buddhist Ethics Committee (IBEC) & Buddhist Tribunal on Human Rights (BTHR)